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Private Property and the Origins of Nationalism in the United States and Norway pp 133–168Cite as

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The Industrial Moment in America—“Irrepressible Conflict”

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Abstract

This chapter looks at how American nationalism changed as the country became gradually more industrialized and the economy more wage based. Through the abolition of slavery and debates centring on this issue, the chapter shows how landed property lost its importance in the national ideology, and how instead the right to the fruits of one’s labour became a central concept in the amalgamation between property, the people and sovereignty. The time period covered in the chapter is roughly the years between 1850 and 1864, and the central events discussed are the emergence of the Republican Party and the abolition of slavery through the Civil War (1861–1864).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Davis , David Brion, The Problem of Slavery in the Age of Revolution : 1770–1823, Cornell University Press, Ithaca and London (1975), p. 82.

  2. 2.

    Samuel Johnson, 1775, quoted in Cogliano, Francis D., Revolutionary America 1763–1815: A Political History, Routledge, London (1999), p. 183.

  3. 3.

    Theodore Dwight, 1794 quoted in Jordan, Winthrop D., White Over Black: American Attitudes Towards the Negro, 1550–1812, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill (1968), p. 333.

  4. 4.

    Davis (1975), p. 84.

  5. 5.

    Jordan (1968), pp. 350–351.

  6. 6.

    Furstenberg, François, “Beyond freedom and slavery: Autonomy, virtue, and resistance in early American political discourse,” Journal of American History, Vol. 89, No. 4 (March, 2003), p. 1296.

  7. 7.

    Finkelman, Paul, “Slavery in the United States: Persons or property ,” in Allain Jean (ed.), The Legal Understanding of Slavery : From the Historical to the Contemporary, Oxford University Press, Oxford (2012), p. 116.

  8. 8.

    Finkelman (2012), p. 117.

  9. 9.

    Thomas Jefferson , quoted in Kantz, Stanley, “Jefferson and the right to property, ” Journal of Law and Economics, Vol. 19, No. 3 (1976).

  10. 10.

    Larkin, Pascal, Property in the Eighteenth Century: With Special Reference to England and Locke , Cork University Press, Dublin and Cork (1930), p. 164.

  11. 11.

    Finkelman (2012), p. 120

  12. 12.

    For a discussion on this see Wills, Gary, “Negro President”: Jefferson and Slave Power, Houghton Mifflin, Boston and New York (2003), especially pp. 1–15 and 50–62.

  13. 13.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 9, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 905–912.

  14. 14.

    Alexander Hamilton , December 5, 1791 in Syrett, Harold and Jacob E. Cooke (eds.), The Papers of Alexander Hamilton , Vol. 10, Columbia University Press, New York and London (1966), p. 243.

  15. 15.

    Alexander Hamilton , December 5, 1791 in Syrett and Cooke (1966), Vol. 10, p. 244.

  16. 16.

    Alexander Hamilton , December 5, 1791 in Syrett and Cooke (1966), Vol. 10, p. 255.

  17. 17.

    Alexander Hamilton , December 18, 1787 in Cooke (1961), p. 148.

  18. 18.

    Alexander Hamilton , December 18, 1787 in Cooke (1961), p. 149.

  19. 19.

    Discussed in the previous chapter.

  20. 20.

    There are many accounts on these two parties. Cogliano (1999), pp. 137–159 provides a good overview.

  21. 21.

    Thomas Jefferson , February 4, 1818 in Looney, Jefferson J. (ed.), The Papers of Thomas Jefferson : Retirement Series, Vol. 12, Princeton University Press, Princeton and Oxford (2015), pp. 425–462.

  22. 22.

    For a quite recent overview of Hamilton ’s thoughts see Federici, Michael P., The Political Philosophy of Alexander Hamilton , Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore (2012).

  23. 23.

    Seward , William, “The irrepressible conflict” (1858), p. 1. https://archive.org/stream/irrepressiblecon00insewa#page/n0/mode/2up/search/%22the+laborers%22 (accessed 30.01.2015).

  24. 24.

    Seward (1858), p. 1.

  25. 25.

    Beard, Charles, The Rise of American Civilization, Vol. 2: The Industrial Era, Macmillan, New York (1931), pp. 3–122. See also Moore, Barrington, Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy: Lord and Peasant in the Making of the Modern World, Beacon Press, Boston (1966). Lincoln ’s election as president did represent the coming of a new class into power. In the 60 years between Washington ’s election as the first US president and 1850, slaveholders controlled the presidency for 50 years. All the presidents to be re-elected in this period were slave holders. As the slaves were counting for representation, the slave states always had one third more seats in Congress than their free population would have warranted. These details are from Wills (2003), p. 6.

  26. 26.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 19, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 676–680.

  27. 27.

    Seward (1858), p. 1.

  28. 28.

    Seward (1858), p. 1.

  29. 29.

    This account of socioeconomic development rests mainly on Macpherson, James M., Battle Cry of Freedom : The Civil War Era, Oxford University Press, Oxford (1988), pp. 6–47 and another of his books, Ordeal by Fire: The Civil War and Reconstruction, Princeton University Press, New York (1982), pp. 5–31.

  30. 30.

    Wilentz, Sean, “Property and power: Suffrage reform in the United States, 1787–1860,” in Donald W. Rogers (ed.), Voting and the Spirit of American Democracy: Essays on the History of Voting and Voting Rights in America, University of Illinois Press, Urbana and Chicago (1992).

  31. 31.

    Sellers, Charles, The Market Revolution: Jacksonian America 1815–1846, Oxford University Press, Oxford (1991).

  32. 32.

    This is not to say that slave economy was not compatible with market society or capitalist property . It was only not compatible with capitalist property as understood in the second form of the nation. For some accounts on slave economy and capitalism see Baucom, Ian, Specters of the Atlantic: Finance Capital, Slavery and the Philosophy of History, Duke University Press, Durham (2005); Fogel, Robert, and Stanley Engerman, The Economics of American Negro Slavery, Little Brown, Boston (1974); Genovese, Eugene, The Political Economy of Slavery: Studies in the Economy and Society of the Slave South, MacGibbon & Kee, London (1966) (this book proposes that slavery was not capitalist); Moore (1966); and Shore, Laurence, Southern Capitalists: The Ideological Leadership of an Elite, 1832–1885, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill (1986).

  33. 33.

    For a recent account of this see Delbanco, Andrew, The Abolitionist Imagination, Harvard University Press, Cambridge, MA (2012). For an account on how religious ideas were also in fact used to justify slavery see Daly, John Patrick, When Slavery Was Called Freedom : Evangelicalism, Proslavery and the Causes of the Civil War, University Press of Kentucky, Kentucky (2002).

  34. 34.

    For further support of this position see Haskell, Thomas L., “Capitalism and the origins of the humanitarian sensibility, Part 1,” American Historical Review, Vol. 90, No. 2 (April, 1985); and Haskell, Thomas L., “Capitalism and the origins of the humanitarian sensibility, Part 2,” American Historical Review, Vol. 90, No. 3 (June, 1985).

  35. 35.

    The emergence of radical Jacksonians and “free soilers” might also point to this, and it might be said that elements from these traditions merged to form the Republican ideology of the 1850s and 1860s. An explicit explication of this can be found in TenBroek, Jacobus, The Antislavery Origins of the Fourteenth Amendment, University of California Press, Berkeley and Los Angeles (1951). See also Wilson, Major L., Space, Time and Freedom: The Quest for Nationality and the Irrepressible Conflict, 1815–1861, Greenwood Press, Westport and London (1974). For a discussion of the Jacksonians and anti-slavery see Earle, Jonathan, Jacksonian Antislavery and the Politics of Free Soil: 1824–1854, University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill and London (2004).

  36. 36.

    Geinapp, Williamson, “Who voted for Lincoln ,” in John L. Thomas (ed.), Abraham Lincoln and the American Political Tradition, University of Massachusetts Press, Amherst (1986).

  37. 37.

    Abraham Lincoln , June 26, 1857 in Basler, Roy P., The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln , Vol. 2, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ (1953), p. 404.

  38. 38.

    Abraham Lincoln , June 26, 1857 in Basler (1957), Vol. 2, p. 406.

  39. 39.

    Seward (1858), p. 2.

  40. 40.

    Macpherson (1982), pp. 51–70.

  41. 41.

    Macpherson (1982), pp. 99–100.

  42. 42.

    Macpherson (1982), p. 100.

  43. 43.

    For more on this point see Morgan, Edmund S., “Slavery and freedom : the American paradox,” Journal of American History, Vol. 59, No. 1 (June, 1972).

  44. 44.

    Quoted in Cohen, William, “Thomas Jefferson and the problem of slavery, ” Journal of American History, Vol. 56, No. 3 (December, 1969), p. 516.

  45. 45.

    Alexander, George S., Commodity and Property : Competing Visions of Property in American Legal Thought, University of Chicago Press, Chicago and London (1997), p. 214.

  46. 46.

    Genovese, Eugene, and Elizabeth Fox, Slavery in Black and White: Class and Race in the Southern Slaveholders New World Order, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (2005), p. 2.

  47. 47.

    Quoted in Shore (1986), p. 19.

  48. 48.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 9, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 955–956.

  49. 49.

    Greenfeld, Liah, Nationalism: Five Roads to Modernity, Harvard University Press, Cambridge (1993), p. 478.

  50. 50.

    Quoted in Greenfeld (1993), p. 478.

  51. 51.

    Loewenberg, Robert J., “John Locke and the antebellum defense of slavery,” Political Theory, Vol. 13, No. 2 (May, 1985).

  52. 52.

    Quoted in Alexander (1997), p. 228.

  53. 53.

    Quoted in Greenfeld (1991), p. 478.

  54. 54.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 20, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 658–661.

  55. 55.

    Cleveland, Henry, Alexander H. Stephens , Public and Private, with Letters and Speeches Before, During and Since the War, National Publishing, Philadelphia (1866), p. 721.

  56. 56.

    Cleveland (1866), p. 721.

  57. 57.

    Cleveland (1866), p. 718.

  58. 58.

    Cleveland (1866), p. 722.

  59. 59.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 22, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp, 116–117.

  60. 60.

    Quoted in Shore (1986), p. 29.

  61. 61.

    Hammond , James, Speech of Hon. James H. Hammond of South Carolina on the Admission of Kansas Under the Lecompton Constitution, Lemuel Towers, Washington (1858), pp. 13–14. http://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=loc.ark:/13960/t7jq19w4m;view=1up;seq=3 (accessed 13.01.2016).

  62. 62.

    For an interesting perspective on history and time and the issue of slavery see Wilson (1974).

  63. 63.

    Quoted in Tomlins, Christopher L., Law Labor and Ideology in the Early American Republic, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge (1993), p. 10.

  64. 64.

    This is from verse 3 of the Union version of the song, reprinted on the first page of the Preface in Macpherson (1988).

  65. 65.

    Quoted in Foner, Eric, Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party Before the Civil War, Oxford University Press, New York (1970), p. 11.

  66. 66.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 13, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 662–673.

  67. 67.

    Quoted in Wilentz, Sean, The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln , W. W. Norton, New York and London (2005), p. 793.

  68. 68.

    Abraham Lincoln , September 17, 1859 in Basler, Roy P. (ed.), The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln , Vol. 3, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ (1953), p. 462.

  69. 69.

    Abraham Lincoln , October 16, 1854 in Basler (ed.) (1953), p. 265.

  70. 70.

    Quoted in Foner (2000), pp. 164–166.

  71. 71.

    Quoted in Foner (2000), p. 66.

  72. 72.

    Abraham Lincoln , June 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 2, p. 493.

  73. 73.

    Abraham Lincoln , October 15, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 315.

  74. 74.

    Abraham Lincoln , August 21, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 16.

  75. 75.

    Macpherson (1982), pp. 86–87.

  76. 76.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 6, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 805–808.

  77. 77.

    Abraham Lincoln, quoted in Burton, Orville Vernon, The Age of Lincoln , Hill & Wang, New York (2007), p. 70.

  78. 78.

    Abraham Lincoln , July 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, pp. 488–489.

  79. 79.

    Abraham Lincoln , July 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 500.

  80. 80.

    Abraham Lincoln , July 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 500.

  81. 81.

    Foner, Eric, The Story of American Freedom, W. W. Norton, New York (2000) [1998], p. 97.

  82. 82.

    “Declaration of immediate causes which induce and justify the secession of South Carolina from the Federal Union.” http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_scarsec.asp (accessed 30.01.2015).

  83. 83.

    http://avalon.law.yale.edu/19th_century/csa_scarsec.asp (accessed 30.10.2015).

  84. 84.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 6, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 201–205.

  85. 85.

    Davis , Jefferson , The Rise and Fall of the Confederate States of America, Appleton & Co., New York (1912) [1881], p. V.

  86. 86.

    Davis (1912), p. VI.

  87. 87.

    Davis (1912), p. VI.

  88. 88.

    Cleveland (1866), p. 271.

  89. 89.

    Davis (1912), p. 7.

  90. 90.

    Quoted in Greenfeld (1993), p. 475.

  91. 91.

    Abraham Lincoln to Joshua Speed, August 21, 1855 in Basler (1953), Vol. 2, p. 323.

  92. 92.

    Foner (2000), p. 99.

  93. 93.

    Abraham Lincoln to Horace Greeley, August 22, 1862 in Basler, Roy P. (ed.), The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln , Vol. 5, Rutgers University Press, New Brunswick, NJ (1953), p. 388.

  94. 94.

    Foner writes that “there is no reason to doubt Lincoln ’s empathic declaration.” However, one has to be aware that his attitudes towards slavery formed slowly and gradually. See Foner, Eric, The Fiery Trail: Abraham Lincoln and American Slavery, W. W. Norton, New York (2010), p. 3.

  95. 95.

    Abraham Lincoln, June 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 3, p. 499.

  96. 96.

    Abraham Lincoln to George Robertson, August 15, 1855 in Basler (1953), Vol. 2, p. 318.

  97. 97.

    Abraham Lincoln , July 10, 1858 in Basler (1953), Vol. 2, p. 491.

  98. 98.

    Seward (1858), p. 2.

  99. 99.

    Carnes, C. Mark, and John A. Garraty (eds.), American National Biography, Vol. 21, Oxford University Press, New York and Oxford (1999), pp. 137–139.

  100. 100.

    Sumner , Charles, “Are we a nation?” Young Men’s Republican Union, New York (1867), p. 1. https://archive.org/stream/arewenationaddre00sumn#page/n1/mode/2up (accessed 30.01.2015).

  101. 101.

    Sumner (1867), p. 30.

  102. 102.

    Sumner (1867), p. 31.

  103. 103.

    Sumner (1867), p. 1.

  104. 104.

    This, of course, is not to say that equality and rights were actually secured for African Americans. I am fully aware of the troubles of reconstruction and the century of continued oppression that burst into new battles during the 1950s and 1960s.

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Fuglestad, E.M. (2018). The Industrial Moment in America—“Irrepressible Conflict”. In: Private Property and the Origins of Nationalism in the United States and Norway. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89950-3_4

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