Abstract
Conditioning welfare on behavior is now seen by most experts as a fair and efficient set of tools to tackle long-term poverty. Inspired from behavioral economics and social experiments, behavioral targeting has a solid scientific and moralistic background. How can this cognitive dimension impact efficiency? How do policymakers determine who qualifies as the deserving poor? How does eligibility evolve depending on popular conceptions of the “legitimate recipient” at a given time and place? What is the cost of (a) narrow targeting?
Based on field research and semi-structured interviews about two contemporary conditional cash transfers in the U.S. and in France, this chapter contributes to these debates by theorizing how a moral agenda is made. Picking the right incentives is thought by experts to be conducive to socially desirable outcomes. A more thorough analysis reveals that exposing behaviors of the poor to public scrutiny provides the grist for moral government.
The task of alleviating poverty thus appears less a matter of bettering living conditions than reassessing core social values that structure social stratification. By assigning economic value to moral worth, this kind of anti-poverty program primarily targets the middle class, broadly understood. This gap between policy targets and policy audience compels us to reconsider the notion of efficacy in social policy.
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Notes
- 1.
I am indebted to Alix Meyer and Jean-Baptiste Velut for their valuable and helpful comments on the initial draft of this chapter.
- 2.
It relies on field research and results from a political science doctoral dissertation defended in 2011 at Sciences Po Grenoble, France. My dissertation looked at the circulation and translation of an experimental conditional cash transfer from the US (Opportunity NYC) to France (Revenu de Solidarité Active). It put forth the politics and networks at works in a social agenda-setting. 81 semi-structured interviews with elected officials and top managers were conducted in New York and Paris. The point was not to compare the French and US welfare states, à la Esping-Andersen, but to document the growing role of conditionality in social policy. The New York case offered a quite refined version of conditionality, in a context where welfare reform and economics are prominent. The French attempted to emulate the model, in an ambivalent setting of traditional resistance to individualization of social benefits and of promotion of incentives to cut welfare budgets. Despite being most different cases, behavioral conditionality happened to produce considerable administrative costs, thus switching the major costs of social programs from benefits to operating agencies. That appeared more acceptable to the public, yet not achieving the promise of a more efficient anti-poverty strategy.
- 3.
Formerly known by its full name, Manpower Development Research Corporation production of evidence has played a significant role in welfare reform, sustaining the idea that “the poor would be actually better off without welfare” (Somers and Block 2005: 280).
- 4.
“Grenelle” refers to rue de Grenelle, where government officials, trade unions, nonprofit and forprofit leaders met in May 1968 to come to an agreement to tackle social issues.
- 5.
“Experimentation and social welfare policymaking in the United States”, November 2007, MDRC. http://www.mdrc.org/publication/experimentation-and-social-welfare-policymaking-united-states. Last retrieved on Nov. 15, 2016.
- 6.
Mainly the Bloomberg Family Foundation and the Rockefeller Foundation, followed by AIG Foundation, The Annie E. Casey Foundation, The Broad Foundation, The MacArthur Foundation, New York Community Trust, The Open Society Institute, The Robin Hood Foundation and the Starr Foundation.
- 7.
- 8.
Opportunity NYC supplemented the existing relief system.
- 9.
Speech: “Mayor Bloomberg Announces the Recommendations of the Mayor’s Commission for Economic Opportunity”, Sept. 18, 2006 [www.nyc.gov/html/om/html/2006b/speech_091806.html]. Last retrieved on Nov. 15, 2016.
- 10.
Further information on Nicolas Sarkozy’s platform in Knapp 2013.
- 11.
“Strategic targeting is about the ideological and political question of who gets what and why.” (Van Oorschot 2001:241).
- 12.
“Social assistance provides us with a ‘litmus test’ regarding the moral foundations of the welfare state” (Sachweh et al. 2007:123).
- 13.
If work has became a religion in and of itself, this political rhetoric certainly pertains to the category of “secular prayers” (Burke 1945:393).
- 14.
This debate emerged with the industrial society. Thorstein Veblen (1898:190) mentions this conception of an “industrial” or “economic merit”, embedded in his dichotomy between “instinct of workmanship” and “irksomeness of labor”.
- 15.
The New York City Center for Economic Opportunity, Strategy and Implementation Report, Report to Mayor
Michael R. Bloomberg, Dec. 2007, p. 1.
- 16.
One has to bear in mind that the official poverty measure, the Federal Poverty Level, has been long questioned by poverty experts throughout the country since the 1960s (Orshansky 1965).
- 17.
Opportunity NYC consists in three subprograms: Family Rewards (set of incentives in health, education and work), Work Rewards (work incentives only), and Spark (actually a pre-existing education incentives program run by the economist Roland Fryer, formally integrated with no significant follow-up).
- 18.
The frontiers traced to identify and qualify neighborhoods have been criticized for being somehow artificial. Gould-Ellen and Austin-Turner (2003)) argue that administrative maps hardly fit street-level reality.
- 19.
It can happen that a research institute also provides services, as it is the case for Community Service Society of New York. CSSNY does not participate to Opportunity NYC. Although, the Center for Economic Opportunity hired one of their senior staff.
- 20.
A weekly satirical newspaper, well-known in France for its investigative journalism. The interviewee is referring to the Jun. 10, 2009 issue.
- 21.
Even though it has been decided that a portion of the RSA recipients would not have a work requirement (“basic RSA”, as opposed to the “activity RSA”).
- 22.
Martin Hirsch declared before the National Assembly: “This bill ends the unbalance between rights and obligations. And when we speak of rights and obligations, that means rights and obligations for all: for recipients, of course, who will now have an individual, not household, contract to abide to, and that will have to be systematic; but also rights and obligations for public and private agencies managing all of the cases of people concerned by the RSA.” (Sept. 25, 2008, author’s translation from official transcript)
- 23.
In application of the “nudge” theory that was an important part of the cognitive background of Opportunity NYC. Likewise but without invoking “nudges”, the French official terminology would refer to “accompagnement” (support), not case work, when qualifying the relationship between the RSA recipients and the operating agencies.
- 24.
According to the data of the National Center for Children in Poverty and the official evaluation report of Opportunity NYC, the maximum annual TANF amount for a family of three was $6924 [http://www.nccp.org/profiles/NY_profile_36.html/], while the highest reward earned through Opportunity NYC was $13,235 (Riccio et al. 2010:98).
- 25.
With a threshold of $48,362 for a married couple with children [www.nyc.gov].
- 26.
Julie Bosman, “City Will Stop Paying the Poor for Good Behavior”, The New York Times, 30 March 2010.
- 27.
Conditional cash transfers do not fall under the neoclassical economics category, that ties benefits only on income level and family size, not individual characteristics (Moffitt 2015:746).
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Chelle, E. (2018). Frame, Funnel, Deter: The Mechanisms of Behavioral Targeting. In: Barrault-Stella, L., Weill, PE. (eds) Creating Target Publics for Welfare Policies. Logic, Argumentation & Reasoning, vol 17. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89596-3_4
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