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Part of the book series: Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies ((RCS))

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Abstract

Together with Chap. 4, this chapter forms the theoretical core of the book. This is a critical review of the state of the art of peace infrastructures theory. As such the objective of the chapter is to explore and assess where theory construction is at the moment and how it fits with the larger peace-building field. The chapter shows how the concept, originally proposed as a tool in conflict transformation is now co-opted and reformulated to serve the purposes of peacebuilding-as-statebuilding.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Here I refer to literature that frames the various institutions, organisations, networks, and peace-building initiatives as infrastructures for peace, peace infrastructures, peace and dialogue structures, peace architecture, etc.

  2. 2.

    Chuma and Ojielo (2012, p. 26) provide 1997 as the date of the creation of the Wajir Peace and Development Committee. See also: Interview with Dekha Ibrahim on the website of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, Georgetown University, http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/interviews/a-discussion-with-dekha-ibrahim-founder-wajir-peace-and-development-committee-kenya, Accessed on 20 March 2014.

  3. 3.

    Odendaal provides slightly different figures, 1500 dead and approximately 350,000 displaced (Odendaal, 2010, p. 41).

  4. 4.

    I wish to thank Susanne Schmeidl for information related to this point and more broadly the origins of peace infrastructures in Kenya.

  5. 5.

    Ghana’s National Peace Council Act, 2011: http://www.i4pinternational.org/files/191/7.+ghana.pdf, Accessed on 22 March 2014.

  6. 6.

    John Hoffman (1995) distinguishes between coercion, which is making people act as expected without denying them the choice to defy those expectations—peer pressure, custom, tradition, etc. —and force, which is making people as expected denying them the choice to defy the expectations. While coercion is part of any social order, force is peculiar to the state. I use the term force-apparatus in this sense.

  7. 7.

    Some forms of peace infrastructures do have direct ties to the state’s enforcement agencies. Those aiming at securing peaceful elections, for example, may have direct access to the police as is the case with Kenya’s Uwiano Platform, which is briefly discussed in this chapter.

  8. 8.

    These functions had earlier been the responsibility of the Peace Secretariat established within the government of Nepal in 2003 to facilitate the peace process. This effort eventually failed, see: MyNepal.com.np, Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, http://directory.mynepal.com.np/details/ministry-of-peace-and-reconstruction.html, Accessed on 23 March 2014.

    Nepali Times, Peace Secretariat, http://nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=561, Accessed on 23 March 2014.

  9. 9.

    The amount channelled through the United Nations Peace Fund as of March 2014 was over USD27 million, see: http://mptf.undp.org/factsheet/fund/npf00?fund_status_month_to=3&fund_status_year_to=2014, Accessed on 23 March 2014.

    See also: http://www.unpbf.org/countries/nepal/, Accessed on 23 March 2014.

    The World Bank has an Emergency Peace Support Project worth USD50 million, see: http://www.epsp.gov.np/, Accessed on 23 March 2014.

    Funds arriving through other channels such as bilateral aid and international NGOs are not included in the above figures.

  10. 10.

    In a personal communication a Nepalese peace researcher said that Nepal has become a laboratory for international organisations to test their latest ideas.

  11. 11.

    Generally speaking, Lederach’s work can be seen as a constant effort at reconciliation: between theory and practice, idealism and realism. I consider this one of the most important and powerful aspects of his work, especially in contrast with the more policy and/or practice-oriented, problem-solving literature.

  12. 12.

    While it was Lederach who proposed the creation of infrastructures for peace and identified the middle-level leaders as the possible foundation on which it could be built, involving individuals who fit his description of mid-level leaders is not without precedent. For example, during the Cold War track II diplomacy often brought together academics such as nuclear scientists in meetings linked to high-level talks to reduce tension, increase trust and develop best-case scenarios.

  13. 13.

    This should be familiar to anybody who has ever worked at an international NGO or, worse, a corporatised university.

  14. 14.

    Source: UNDP Bureau of Crisis Prevention and Recovery, Issue Brief: Infrastructure for Peace, 07 March 2013, http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/crisis-prevention-and-recovery/issue-brief--infrastructure-for-peace/, Accessed on 7 April 2014.

  15. 15.

    Ibid.

  16. 16.

    Stadial views of history are developmental rather than evolutionary inasmuch as they reconstruct the path that led to the state of affairs of the theorist’s present.

  17. 17.

    Refer back to the discussion on the deductive approach to peace-building in Chap. 3.

  18. 18.

    This is how PAMANA is structured, see Chap. 8.

  19. 19.

    Odendaal treats the case of Ghana as one of bottom-up formation of peace infrastructures despite the fact that its original local-level peace infrastructure was created by the state, albeit its lowest level institution.

  20. 20.

    It is a non-exclusive function in two ways: it is not the only function that peace infrastructures have and it is not exclusive to them.

  21. 21.

    To clarify, post-colonial state-building is specified here for two reasons. First, because at present these are the cases where the issues discussed in this book emerge the most. And second, because the states that were created in the process of decolonisation already came into a world system of sovereign states. When China became a modern state in the third century BCE, it was the first such entity within its environment and as such did not have to conform to a pre-existing world system of similar entities. Similarly, when European countries became modern states in the seventeen–eighteenth centuries, they co-created their own world system—which is the current world system.

  22. 22.

    This makes the case of the Philippine Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) so interesting: an apparently high proportion of the workers are recruited not from the usual state bureaucracies but from local NGOs and universities. This has created a unique approach to peacebuilding-as-statebuilding, at least as far as OPAPP’s involvement goes—see Chap. 10.

  23. 23.

    OPAPP’s predecessors were the Office of the Peace Commissioner (OPC) to assist the president’s peace efforts and the Joint Executive-Legislative Peace Council, which played a coordinative role between the executive and legislative branches, created by President Corazon Aquino in 1987 (Administrative Order No. 30, 1987; OPAPP, 2013).

  24. 24.

    Either formally, by the state, or as a social institution that people turn to when they have conflicts within the community.

  25. 25.

    See Chap. 8.

  26. 26.

    To be clear, this is especially so in what one could call institutionalised peace-building either initiated by ‘official’ peace-building actors or genuine grassroots initiatives channelled into the mainstream through a variety of means, such as grants and partnerships with institutional actors. This does not mean that there are no real initiatives out there that seek peace on their own terms. Rather, they are easily penetrated by the state and statism—see Chap. 5.

  27. 27.

    In this passage, Odendaal writes about local peace committees created in a top-down manner by the state or international actors. Nonetheless, the same logic applies to co-opted local peace committees as well.

  28. 28.

    In contrast, Ghana’s National Peace Council Act of 2011, prescribes the inclusion of traditional authorities as well as other sectors at every level of the peace infrastructure. It lists the members of the peace councils at all three levels—national, regional, district—where they are established as a combination of determined religious groups’ representatives (one member per each of the eight denominations), two state representatives (one of whom is a woman), two delegates of “identifiable groups” (e.g. institutions of higher learning, civil society organisations involved in conflict resolution or peace-building), and one representative of the traditional chiefs (“National Peace Council Act”, 2011).

  29. 29.

    In practice, they are not, see Part II.

  30. 30.

    Interview 1.

  31. 31.

    It is interesting to note how Kumar and De la Haye use the term “traditional” to describe international interventionism by external actors and non-state (pre-modern) leaders in the same article (Kumar & De la Haye, 2012, pp. 15 and 18, respectively).

  32. 32.

    Interview 3.

  33. 33.

    In a classroom discussion about development one of my Southeast Asian graduate students who had worked for several years in Sub-Saharan Africa (Uganda) as an aid worker made the following comment: the difference between Africa and Asia is that a fresh college graduate in Asia is thinking about starting up a business while a fresh college graduate in Africa is thinking about starting up an NGO. As sweepingly generalising and simplifying this statement be, it is rather insightful.

  34. 34.

    Interviews 2, 5, 6 and see Part II for a detailed discussion of this.

  35. 35.

    The United Nations is a more complex case. The organisation as a whole simultaneously seeks to reinforce the status quo and alter it.

  36. 36.

    There is an optimistic assumption behind the idea of electoral democracy and early warning systems to prevent electoral violence in post-conflict or highly polarised societies. Considering the possibility of early warning-oriented peace infrastructures being taken over by the state/particular interests, the kind of surveillance such a system allows may be a rather frightening proposition.

  37. 37.

    See Part II.

  38. 38.

    I thank Tony Lynch for this point.

  39. 39.

    PAMANA, for example, follows a slightly different path by creating most of these bodies between the organisations that comprise the state, thus within the state proper, except for the village level. At the same time, more than most peace infrastructures, PAMANA seeks to transform the state itself—see Part II.

  40. 40.

    As it will be discussed Part II, PAMANA seeks a somewhat similar, though less ambitious goal, to instil “conflict sensitive and peace promoting” practices in the work of government agencies, local governments and the village-level volunteer committees they create to manage their projects at that level.

  41. 41.

    UN General Assembly Resolution 53/243 (UNGA, 1999), which defines culture of peace, does expressly recognise and protect state sovereignty (Art. 1 (b)) and governments’ “essential role in promoting and strengthening a culture of peace” (Art. 5).

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Kovács, B.Á. (2019). Peace Infrastructures. In: Peace Infrastructures and State-Building at the Margins. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89566-6_6

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