Abstract
Together with Chap. 4, this chapter forms the theoretical core of the book. This is a critical review of the state of the art of peace infrastructures theory. As such the objective of the chapter is to explore and assess where theory construction is at the moment and how it fits with the larger peace-building field. The chapter shows how the concept, originally proposed as a tool in conflict transformation is now co-opted and reformulated to serve the purposes of peacebuilding-as-statebuilding.
Access this chapter
Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout
Purchases are for personal use only
Notes
- 1.
Here I refer to literature that frames the various institutions, organisations, networks, and peace-building initiatives as infrastructures for peace, peace infrastructures, peace and dialogue structures, peace architecture, etc.
- 2.
Chuma and Ojielo (2012, p. 26) provide 1997 as the date of the creation of the Wajir Peace and Development Committee. See also: Interview with Dekha Ibrahim on the website of the Berkley Center for Religion, Peace & World Affairs, Georgetown University, http://berkleycenter.georgetown.edu/interviews/a-discussion-with-dekha-ibrahim-founder-wajir-peace-and-development-committee-kenya, Accessed on 20 March 2014.
- 3.
Odendaal provides slightly different figures, 1500 dead and approximately 350,000 displaced (Odendaal, 2010, p. 41).
- 4.
I wish to thank Susanne Schmeidl for information related to this point and more broadly the origins of peace infrastructures in Kenya.
- 5.
Ghana’s National Peace Council Act, 2011: http://www.i4pinternational.org/files/191/7.+ghana.pdf, Accessed on 22 March 2014.
- 6.
John Hoffman (1995) distinguishes between coercion, which is making people act as expected without denying them the choice to defy those expectations—peer pressure, custom, tradition, etc. —and force, which is making people as expected denying them the choice to defy the expectations. While coercion is part of any social order, force is peculiar to the state. I use the term force-apparatus in this sense.
- 7.
Some forms of peace infrastructures do have direct ties to the state’s enforcement agencies. Those aiming at securing peaceful elections, for example, may have direct access to the police as is the case with Kenya’s Uwiano Platform, which is briefly discussed in this chapter.
- 8.
These functions had earlier been the responsibility of the Peace Secretariat established within the government of Nepal in 2003 to facilitate the peace process. This effort eventually failed, see: MyNepal.com.np, Ministry of Peace and Reconstruction, http://directory.mynepal.com.np/details/ministry-of-peace-and-reconstruction.html, Accessed on 23 March 2014.
Nepali Times, Peace Secretariat, http://nepalitimes.com/news.php?id=561, Accessed on 23 March 2014.
- 9.
The amount channelled through the United Nations Peace Fund as of March 2014 was over USD27 million, see: http://mptf.undp.org/factsheet/fund/npf00?fund_status_month_to=3&fund_status_year_to=2014, Accessed on 23 March 2014.
See also: http://www.unpbf.org/countries/nepal/, Accessed on 23 March 2014.
The World Bank has an Emergency Peace Support Project worth USD50 million, see: http://www.epsp.gov.np/, Accessed on 23 March 2014.
Funds arriving through other channels such as bilateral aid and international NGOs are not included in the above figures.
- 10.
In a personal communication a Nepalese peace researcher said that Nepal has become a laboratory for international organisations to test their latest ideas.
- 11.
Generally speaking, Lederach’s work can be seen as a constant effort at reconciliation: between theory and practice, idealism and realism. I consider this one of the most important and powerful aspects of his work, especially in contrast with the more policy and/or practice-oriented, problem-solving literature.
- 12.
While it was Lederach who proposed the creation of infrastructures for peace and identified the middle-level leaders as the possible foundation on which it could be built, involving individuals who fit his description of mid-level leaders is not without precedent. For example, during the Cold War track II diplomacy often brought together academics such as nuclear scientists in meetings linked to high-level talks to reduce tension, increase trust and develop best-case scenarios.
- 13.
This should be familiar to anybody who has ever worked at an international NGO or, worse, a corporatised university.
- 14.
Source: UNDP Bureau of Crisis Prevention and Recovery, Issue Brief: Infrastructure for Peace, 07 March 2013, http://www.undp.org/content/undp/en/home/librarypage/crisis-prevention-and-recovery/issue-brief--infrastructure-for-peace/, Accessed on 7 April 2014.
- 15.
Ibid.
- 16.
Stadial views of history are developmental rather than evolutionary inasmuch as they reconstruct the path that led to the state of affairs of the theorist’s present.
- 17.
Refer back to the discussion on the deductive approach to peace-building in Chap. 3.
- 18.
This is how PAMANA is structured, see Chap. 8.
- 19.
Odendaal treats the case of Ghana as one of bottom-up formation of peace infrastructures despite the fact that its original local-level peace infrastructure was created by the state, albeit its lowest level institution.
- 20.
It is a non-exclusive function in two ways: it is not the only function that peace infrastructures have and it is not exclusive to them.
- 21.
To clarify, post-colonial state-building is specified here for two reasons. First, because at present these are the cases where the issues discussed in this book emerge the most. And second, because the states that were created in the process of decolonisation already came into a world system of sovereign states. When China became a modern state in the third century BCE, it was the first such entity within its environment and as such did not have to conform to a pre-existing world system of similar entities. Similarly, when European countries became modern states in the seventeen–eighteenth centuries, they co-created their own world system—which is the current world system.
- 22.
This makes the case of the Philippine Office of the Presidential Adviser on the Peace Process (OPAPP) so interesting: an apparently high proportion of the workers are recruited not from the usual state bureaucracies but from local NGOs and universities. This has created a unique approach to peacebuilding-as-statebuilding, at least as far as OPAPP’s involvement goes—see Chap. 10.
- 23.
OPAPP’s predecessors were the Office of the Peace Commissioner (OPC) to assist the president’s peace efforts and the Joint Executive-Legislative Peace Council, which played a coordinative role between the executive and legislative branches, created by President Corazon Aquino in 1987 (Administrative Order No. 30, 1987; OPAPP, 2013).
- 24.
Either formally, by the state, or as a social institution that people turn to when they have conflicts within the community.
- 25.
See Chap. 8.
- 26.
To be clear, this is especially so in what one could call institutionalised peace-building either initiated by ‘official’ peace-building actors or genuine grassroots initiatives channelled into the mainstream through a variety of means, such as grants and partnerships with institutional actors. This does not mean that there are no real initiatives out there that seek peace on their own terms. Rather, they are easily penetrated by the state and statism—see Chap. 5.
- 27.
In this passage, Odendaal writes about local peace committees created in a top-down manner by the state or international actors. Nonetheless, the same logic applies to co-opted local peace committees as well.
- 28.
In contrast, Ghana’s National Peace Council Act of 2011, prescribes the inclusion of traditional authorities as well as other sectors at every level of the peace infrastructure. It lists the members of the peace councils at all three levels—national, regional, district—where they are established as a combination of determined religious groups’ representatives (one member per each of the eight denominations), two state representatives (one of whom is a woman), two delegates of “identifiable groups” (e.g. institutions of higher learning, civil society organisations involved in conflict resolution or peace-building), and one representative of the traditional chiefs (“National Peace Council Act”, 2011).
- 29.
In practice, they are not, see Part II.
- 30.
Interview 1.
- 31.
It is interesting to note how Kumar and De la Haye use the term “traditional” to describe international interventionism by external actors and non-state (pre-modern) leaders in the same article (Kumar & De la Haye, 2012, pp. 15 and 18, respectively).
- 32.
Interview 3.
- 33.
In a classroom discussion about development one of my Southeast Asian graduate students who had worked for several years in Sub-Saharan Africa (Uganda) as an aid worker made the following comment: the difference between Africa and Asia is that a fresh college graduate in Asia is thinking about starting up a business while a fresh college graduate in Africa is thinking about starting up an NGO. As sweepingly generalising and simplifying this statement be, it is rather insightful.
- 34.
Interviews 2, 5, 6 and see Part II for a detailed discussion of this.
- 35.
The United Nations is a more complex case. The organisation as a whole simultaneously seeks to reinforce the status quo and alter it.
- 36.
There is an optimistic assumption behind the idea of electoral democracy and early warning systems to prevent electoral violence in post-conflict or highly polarised societies. Considering the possibility of early warning-oriented peace infrastructures being taken over by the state/particular interests, the kind of surveillance such a system allows may be a rather frightening proposition.
- 37.
See Part II.
- 38.
I thank Tony Lynch for this point.
- 39.
PAMANA, for example, follows a slightly different path by creating most of these bodies between the organisations that comprise the state, thus within the state proper, except for the village level. At the same time, more than most peace infrastructures, PAMANA seeks to transform the state itself—see Part II.
- 40.
As it will be discussed Part II, PAMANA seeks a somewhat similar, though less ambitious goal, to instil “conflict sensitive and peace promoting” practices in the work of government agencies, local governments and the village-level volunteer committees they create to manage their projects at that level.
- 41.
UN General Assembly Resolution 53/243 (UNGA, 1999), which defines culture of peace, does expressly recognise and protect state sovereignty (Art. 1 (b)) and governments’ “essential role in promoting and strengthening a culture of peace” (Art. 5).
List of References
Abinales, P. N. (2000). Making Mindanao—Cotabato and Davao in the Formation of the Philippine Nation-State. Manila: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Abrutyn, S. (2009). Toward a General Theory of Institutional Autonomy. Sociological Theory, 27(4), 449–465.
Abrutyn, S., & Turner, J. H. (2011). The Old Institutionalism Meets the New Institutionalism. Sociological Perspectives, 54(3), 283–306. https://doi.org/10.1525/sop.2011.54.3.283
Adan, M., & Pkalya, R. (2006). The Concept Peace Committee: A Snapshot Analysis of the Concept Peace Committee in Relation to Peacebuilding Initiatives in Kenya. Nairobi: Practical Action.
Administrative Order No. 30, s. (1987). Defining the Systematic Approach and the Administrative Framework for the Government’s Peace Efforts.
Alihodžić, S. (2012). Electoral Violence Early Warning and Infrastructures for Peace. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 54–69. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767592
Anderson, B. (1996). Elections and Participation in Three Southeast Asian Countries. In R. H. Taylor (Ed.), The Politics of Elections in Southeast Asia. New York: Woodrow Wilson Center Press and the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge.
Avruch, K., & Jose, R. S. (2007). Peace Zones in the Philippines. In L. Hancock & C. Mitchell (Eds.), Zones of Peace (pp. 51–69). Kumarian Press.
Ball, N., & Spies, C. (1998). Managing Conflict: Lessons From the South African Peace Committees. USAID Evaluation Special Study Report No. 78, Arlington: Center for Development Information and Evaluation (CDIE).
Barnes, C. (2009). Civil Society and Peacebuilding: Mapping Functions in Working for Peace. The International Spectator, 44(1), 131–147. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932720802693036
Brand-Jacobsen, K., & van Tongeren, P. (2012). Infrastructure for Peace: A Way Forward to Peaceful Elections. New Routes, 17(1), 18–22.
Canuday, J. J. (2014). Big War, Small Wars: The Interplay of Large-Scale and Community Armed Conflicts in Five Central Mindanao Communities. In W. M. Torres III (Ed.), Rido: Clan Feuding and Conflict Management in Mindanao (Expanded ed., pp. 220–253). Quezon City: Ateneo de Manila University Press.
Chuma, A., & Ojielo, O. (2012). Building a Standing National Capacity for Conflict Prevention and Resolution in Kenya. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 25–39. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.774790
Coyle, D., & Dalrymple, S. (2011). Snapshots of Informal Justice Provision in Kaski, Panchthar and Dhanusha Districts, Nepal. Security in South Asia.
Danielak, S. (2013). External Aid Incorporated?: Infrastructures for Peace and the Challenge of Coordination in Kyrgyzstan. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Davis, Q. (2016). Building Infrastructures for Peace: The Role of Liaison Offices in Myanmar’s Peace Process. Siem Reap: The Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies (CPCS).
Dayton, B. W., & Kriesberg, L. (Eds.). (2009). Conflict Transformation and Peacebuilding: Moving from Violence to Sustainable Peace. Oxford, UK: Routledge.
Dress, T. P. (2005). Designing a Peacebuilding Infrastructure: Taking a Systems Approach to the Prevention of Deadly Conflict. New York and Geneva: United Nations.
Dube, D., & Makwerere, D. (2012). Zimbabwe: Towards a Comprehensive Peace Infrastructure. International Journal of Humanities and Social Science, 2(18), 297–307.
Easterly, W. (2007, October). The Ideology of Development. Foreign Policy.
Editorial. (2012). The Evolving Landscape of Infrastructures for Peace. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 1–7. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.774793
Ellerby, K. (2013). (En)gendered Security? The Complexities of Women’s Inclusion in Peace Processes. International Interactions, 39(4), 435–460.
Executive Order No. 125. (1993, September 15). Defining the Approach and Administrative Structure for Government’s Comprehensive Peace Efforts.
Executive Order No. 773, s. (2009). Further Reorganizing the Peace and Order Council. In Executive Order No. 773, s. 2009.
Feinstein, C., Giertsen, A., & O’Kane, C. (2010). Children’s Participation in Armed Conflict and Post-Conflict Peace Building. In B. Percy-Smith & N. Thomas (Eds.), A Handbook of Children and Young People’s Participation (pp. 53–62). London: Routledge.
Fuest, V. (2010). Contested Inclusions: Pitfalls of NGO Peace-Building Activities in Liberia [Umstrittene Inklusion: Fallstricke bei peace-building-Aktivitäten von NRO in Liberia]. Africa Spectrum, 45(2), 3–33. https://doi.org/10.2307/25798914
Galtung, J. (1969). Violence, Peace, and Peace Research. Journal of Peace Research, 6(3), 167–191.
Galtung, J. (1990). Cultural Violence. Journal of Peace Research, 27(3), 291–305.
Ghani, A., & Lockhart, C. (2008). Fixing Failed States: A Framework for Rebuilding a Fractured World. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Glowacki, L., & Gönc, K. (2013). Investigating the Potential of Peace Committees in Ethiopia: A Needs Assessment in IGAD-CEWARN Karamoja and Somali Clusters. Addis Ababa: IGAD CEWARN.
Goetschel, L. (2009). Conflict Transformation. In V. Chetail (Ed.), Post-Conflict Peacebuilding: A Lexicon. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Hancock, L., & Mitchell, C. (Eds.). (2007). Zones of Peace. Bloomfield, CT: Kumarian Press.
Henrich, J., & McElreath, R. (2003). The Evolution of Cultural Evolution. Evolutionary Anthropology: Issues, News, and Reviews, 12(3), 123–135. https://doi.org/10.1002/evan.10110
Hoffman, J. (1995). Beyond the State: An Introductory Critique. Cambridge: Polity.
Hopp-Nishanka, U. (2012). Infrastructures for Peace at the Height of Violent Conflict: Lessons from Establishing Peace Secretariats for Track 1 Negotiations. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 70–74. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767625
Hopp-Nishanka, U. (2013). Giving Peace an Address? Reflections on the Potential and Challenges of Creating Peace Infrastructure. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Huamani Ober, G. (2012). Dilemmas of Developing a State Infrastructure for Peace in the Case of Peru. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 75–80. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767642
Kaldor, M. (2003). The Idea of Global Civil Society. International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs 1944–), 79(3), 583–593. https://doi.org/10.2307/3569364
Kenkel, K. M. (2013). Five Generations of Peace Operations: From the “Thin Blue Line” to “Painting A Country Blue”. [Article]. Revista Brasileira De Politica Internacional, 56(1), 122–143.
Kumar, C. (2011). Building National “Infrastructures for Peace”: UN Assistance for Internally Negotiated Solutions to Violent Conflict. In S. A. Nan, Z. C. Mampilly, & A. Bartoli (Eds.), Peacemaking: From Practice to Theory. New York: Praeger.
Kumar, C., & De la Haye, J. (2012). Hybrid Peacemaking: Building National “Infrastructures for Peace”. Global Governance, 18(1), 13–20.
Lederach, J. P. (1996). Preparing for Peace: Conflict Transformation Across Cultures. Syracue, NY: Syracuse University Press.
Lederach, J. P. (1997). Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies. Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press.
Lederach, J. P. (1999). The Journey Toward Reconciliation. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press.
Lederach, J. P. (2003). The Little Book of Conflict Transformation. Intercourse, PA: Good Books.
Lederach, J. P. (2005). The Moral Imagination: The Art and Soul of Building Peace. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Lederach, J. P. (2012). The Origins and Evolution of Infrastructures for Peace: A Personal Reflection. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 8–13. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767604
LGC. (1991). Local Government Code of 1991. In REPUBLIC ACT NO. 7160.
Migdal, J. S. (1988). Strong Societies and Weak States: State-Society Relations and State Capabilities in the Third World. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Mitchell, A. (2010). Peace Beyond Process? Millennium—Journal of International Studies, 38(3), 641–664. https://doi.org/10.1177/0305829810364193
Mouly, C. (2013). The Nicaraguan Peace Commissions: A Sustainable Bottom-Up Peace Infrastructure. International Peacekeeping, 20(1), 48–66. https://doi.org/10.1080/13533312.2012.761833
Moyo, D. (2009). Dead Aid: Why Aid Is Not Working and How There Is a Better Way for Africa. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux.
Moyo, D. (2012). Winner Take All: China’s Race for Resources and What It Means for Us. London: Allen Lane.
National Peace Council Act. (2011). In Parliament of the Republic of Ghana (Ed.), Act 818. Accra: Government Printer, Assembly Press.
Odendaal, A. (2010). An Architecture for Building Peace at the Local Level: A Comparative Study of Local Peace Committees. New York: UNDP.
Odendaal, A. (2011). The Role of Political Dialogue in Peacebuilding and Statebuilding: An Interpretation of Current Experience. International Dialogue on Peacebuilding and Statebuilding.
Odendaal, A. (2012). The Political Legitimacy of National Peace Committees. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 40–53. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767601
Odendaal, A. (2013). Cornerstones or Scattered Bricks? Comments on Paul van Tongeren’s ‘Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace? How Local Peace Committees Can Make a Difference’. Peacebuilding, 1(1), 61–62. https://doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.756266
Odendaal, A., & Olivier, R. (2008). Local Peace Committees: Some Reflections and Lessons Learned. The Academy for Educational Development (AED).
Odendaal, A., & Spies, C. (1997). “You Have Opened the Wound, But Not Healed It”: The Local Peace Committees of the Western Cape, South Africa. Peace and Conflict: Journal of Peace Psychology, 3(3), 261–273. https://doi.org/10.1207/s15327949pac0303_4
Ojielo, O. (2007). Designing an Architecture for Peace: A Framework of Conflict Transformation in Ghana. Paper presented at the First Biennial Conference and General Assembly of the Society for Peace Studies and Practice, Abuja.
OPAPP. (2013). Citizen’s Charter. Office of the President of the Philippines.
Paffenholz, T. (2014). Civil Society and Peace Negotiations: Beyond the Inclusion–Exclusion Dichotomy. Negotiation Journal, 30(1), 69–91. https://doi.org/10.1111/nejo.12046
Paladini Adell, B. (2013). From Peacebuilding and Human Development Coalitions to Peace Infrastructure in Colombia. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Paladini Adell, B. (2014, April). Peace Infrastructures: Towards a Support System for Peacebuilding in Colombia. Peace in Progress, 20.
Ramsbotham, O., Woodhouse, T., & Miall, H. (2005). Contemporary Conflict Resolution: The Prevention, Management and Transformation of Deadly Conflicts (2nd ed.). Cambridge: Polity.
Reychler, L. (2002). Peace Building Architecture. George Mason University.
Reychler, L. (2008). Sustainable Peace-Building Architecture. In L. Kurtz (Ed.), Encyclopedia of Violence, Peace, & Conflict (2nd ed., pp. 2027–2043). Oxford: Academic Press.
Richmond, O. P. (2009). The Romanticisation of the Local: Welfare, Culture and Peacebuilding. The International Spectator, 44(1), 149–169. https://doi.org/10.1080/03932720802693044
Richmond, O. P. (2013a). Failed Statebuilding Versus Peace Formation. Cooperation and Conflict, 48(3), 378–400. https://doi.org/10.1177/0010836713482816
Richmond, O. P. (2013b). Missing Links: Peace Infrastructures and Peace Formation. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice (Vol. Berghof Handbook Dialogue Series No. 10, pp. 22–29). Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Richmond, O. P. (2013c). Peace Formation and Local Infrastructures for Peace. Alternatives: Global, Local, Political, 38(4), 271–287. https://doi.org/10.1177/0304375413512100
Ryan, J. (2012). Infrastructures for Peace as a Path to Resilient Societies: An Institutional Perspective. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 14–24. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.774806
Sacouman, N. (2011). Paths of Local Development: Culture, Context, Power, and the Role of Nongovernmental Organizations. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and Nonprofit Organizations, 23(4), 899–919. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11266-011-9234-0
Scott, J. C. (1999). Seeing Like a State: How Certain Schemes to Improve the Human Condition Have Failed. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
Siebert, H. (2013). National Peace and Dialogue Structures: Strengthening the Immune System from Within instead of Prescribing Antibiotics. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Suurmond, J., & Sharma, P. M. (2012). Like Yeast That Leavens the Dough? Community Mediation as Local Infrastructure for Peace in Nepal. Journal of Peacebuilding & Development, 7(3), 81–86. https://doi.org/10.1080/15423166.2013.767648
Suurmond, J., & Sharma, P. M. (2013). Serving People’s Need for Peace: Infrastructures for Peace, the Peace Sector, and the Case of Nepal. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
UNESCO. (n.d.). Peace is in Our Hands. Retrieved June 8, 2014, from http://www3.unesco.org/iycp/uk/uk_sum_cp.htm
UNGA. (1999). Declaration and Programme of Action on a Culture of Peace. In United Nations General Assembly (Ed.), A/RES/53/243.
Unger, B., & Lundström, S. (2013). Introduction: On Framing, Setting up and Supporting Peace Infrastructures. In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
UNSG. (2006). Progress Report on the Prevention of Armed Conflict. Report of the Secretary-General.
UNSSC. (2010). Indigenous Peoples and Peacebuilding: A Compilation of Best Practices. United Nations System Staff College.
van Tongeren, P. (2011a). Increasing Interest in Infrastructures for Peace. Journal of Conflictology, 2(2), 45–55.
van Tongeren, P. (2011b). Infrastructures for Peace. In S. A. Nan, Z. C. Mampilly, & A. Bartoli (Eds.), Peacemaking: From Practice to Theory. New York: Praeger.
van Tongeren, P. (2013a). Background Paper on Infrastructures for Peace. Paper presented at the The Sixth GAMIP Summit, Geneva. Retrieved from http://peaceportal.org/documents/130225323/130281240/Background+Reader+I4P+seminar/3ac4952d-9220-4dd9-9acb-5c1db8c881e0
van Tongeren, P. (2013b). Potential Cornerstone of Infrastructures for Peace? How Local Peace Committees Can Make a Difference. Peacebuilding, 1(1), 39–60. https://doi.org/10.1080/21647259.2013.756264
Verzat, V. (2014). Infrastructures for Peace: A Grass-roots Way To Do State-building? In B. Unger, S. Lundström, K. Planta, & B. Austin (Eds.), Peace Infrastructures: Assessing Concept and Practice. Berlin: Berghof Foundation.
Zartman, I. W. (2001). Preventing Deadly Conflict. Security Dialogue, 32(2), 137–154. https://doi.org/10.1177/0967010601032002002
Author information
Authors and Affiliations
Rights and permissions
Copyright information
© 2019 The Author(s)
About this chapter
Cite this chapter
Kovács, B.Á. (2019). Peace Infrastructures. In: Peace Infrastructures and State-Building at the Margins. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89566-6_6
Download citation
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89566-6_6
Published:
Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham
Print ISBN: 978-3-319-89565-9
Online ISBN: 978-3-319-89566-6
eBook Packages: Political Science and International StudiesPolitical Science and International Studies (R0)