Abstract
This chapter reviews the emergence and evolution of peace-building as a distinct area of (international) intervention into internal armed conflicts. The primary focus of this chapter is the process through which peace-building, at least its institutional variety became increasingly coterminous with state-building. This was not predetermined from the beginning; rather it came about through the influence of prevailing ideologies and systemic pressures. For these reasons also, the liberal peace-building package has been eagerly—and selectively—endorsed by states addressing their own internal conflicts.
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Notes
- 1.
The influence of various strands of feminism may be discerned in peace-building projects, though the most common is liberal feminism with its individualistic orientation and focus on political rights, economic participation (particularly prominent in microloan schemes), and (reproductive) health. Conflict transformatory approaches may also draw on socialist feminism inasmuch as they seek to transform patriarchal family- and community structures through the empowerment of women.
- 2.
The five goals are:
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Legitimate Politics
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Security
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Justice
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Economic Foundations
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Revenues & Services
One is compelled to ask, what is so new about the content of this new deal?
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- 3.
At that point China was not yet the major power it has since become.
- 4.
It is interesting to note that the creation of lasting peace, along with democracy was one of the original objectives of international economic development (Truman, 1949). As the Cold War unfolded, these fields—development, peace operations, democracy promotion—became increasingly articulated and compartmentalised. While there have always been points of contact, they generally have been conceptualised and practiced in independence. It is in the post-Cold War that attempts are made to bring them closer to each other (e.g. J. Barnett, 2008; Carothers, 2009).
- 5.
It was not exactly apolitical, rather it did not seek to transform the polities where it was implemented.
- 6.
Let us not dwell on the curious fact that interventions in these ‘unpoliced and ungoverned’ areas appear to have multiplied them.
- 7.
- 8.
- 9.
I thank D.B. Subedi for this point.
- 10.
‘Survival’ of states does not mean what it used to prior the League of Nations, when states were destroyed and gobbled up by other states by the hundreds. The conquest of one state by another, for example, is nearly unthinkable in the present. The survival of regimes, governments, power groups and powerful individuals, however, remains precarious.
- 11.
Personal communication.
- 12.
As winners and losers emerge from this integration, this idea is re-evaluated.
- 13.
The concept came into widespread use with the Enlightenment, contractarianism, and liberalism and to describe a specific (desirable) relationship between society and state. In this instance I use it more expansively to encompass the more general human experience of self-governing and relative (political) autonomy.
- 14.
Such ‘withdrawals’ are not equally complete. The hill tribes of Zomia, for example, did not lose contact with the states of Southeast Asia while tribes in the Amazon have.
- 15.
A note on copying in cultural transmission: deciding what constitutes ‘success’ and for whom or what components of a complex phenomenon are responsible for its perceived success are not straightforward. Relations of power also play an important role in it, as well as how the copied cultural trait fits with already existing ones.
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Kovács, B.Á. (2019). Peace-building. In: Peace Infrastructures and State-Building at the Margins. Rethinking Peace and Conflict Studies. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89566-6_3
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