Abstract
This chapter discusses Dutch tolerance in relation to cultural minorities that endorse illiberal traditions. The influx of immigrants from foreign cultures raises two related questions. First, should the state accommodate cultural and ethnic minorities via special group-related rights to cultural identity, as Liberal Multiculturalists (Raz, Kymlicka and Carens) advocate? If so, would the proven Dutch pillar tradition provide an adequate integration model (in line with Lijphart’s Consociationalism)? It is argued that both liberal multiculturalism and consociationalism in the form of a Muslim pillar are inadequate.
The second question concerns the limits of liberal tolerance: to what extent should illiberal traditions of cultural minorities be tolerated? The custom of honour killing among immigrants from Turkey serves as a test case. The harm principle provides the answer: actions that affect the basic rights of others may be prohibited, even if they are valuable from the perspective of the immigrant culture. This also protects individual members of the cultural group in question. Honour killings violate the basic right to life, therefore perpetrators cannot, with an appeal to a cultural defence, claim to be acquitted or to receive a reduced sentence.
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Notes
- 1.
Multiculturalism as a sociological concept implies that a society consists of several distinct cultural communities. In its radical normative form it maintains that all cultures have equal value; therefore, they have a right to cultural identity and should be treated equally.
- 2.
Although the migration of the Huguenots to the Netherlands was not unequivocally a success story, see Linden (2015).
- 3.
For a critical assessment of the pillar model, see Blom (2000).
- 4.
Lijphart rejected Apartheid because Blacks were excluded from political power, while the Indians did not have a veto-right. If his model of Consociationalist Democracy were to fail, then, in Lijphart’s view territorial partition would be the only solution.
- 5.
See Bernts and Berghuis (2016).
- 6.
In 2016 the Scientific Council for Government Policy and the Central Bureau for Statistics decided to stop using the terms ‘autochthonous’ and ‘allochthonous’ because they would be stigmatizing of Dutchmen with a migration background.
- 7.
- 8.
In 2015 the Dutch government was subsidizing 49 Islamic primary schools.
- 9.
Letter on Integration Policy 2015-2016 of Minister of Social Affairs, Asscher, to the Lower Chamber (Asscher 2015). The materials for the Civic Integration Examination (required for naturalization) equate Dutch values with the liberal values of the Constitution, with special emphasis on the separation of church and state, freedom of religion, equality of the sexes including the prohibition of honour killing and female circumcision, etc. (Available at http://www.naarnederland.nl/lesmateriaal-nederlands. Accessed 12 Jun 2016.
- 10.
Koopmans (2007); Sniderman and Hagendoorn (2007). Koopmans maintains that ‘to an important extent, the extension of multicultural rights to minorities in the Netherlands is based on the heritage of pillarization’ (2005, p. 71). However, Koopmans’ view is outdated: ‘Until a few years ago it was commonplace to categorise the Netherlands as one of the few European countries with an integration model that comes closest to the multi-cultural ideal-type in which the government endorses the principle of cultural diversity and actively supports the right of different cultural and ethnic groups to retain their distinctive cultural identities. (…) Things could not be more different today, it seems. A strong consensus about the Netherlands as one of the front-runners of multiculturalism has been replaced by an equally strong consensus about the Netherlands as the prodigal son of multiculturalism’ (Vink 2007, p. 337).
- 11.
- 12.
Duyvendak and Scholten quote Rath et al.: ‘in terms of institutional arrangements, there is no question of an Islamic pillar in the Netherlands, or at least one that is in any way comparable to the Roman Catholic or Protestant pillars in the past’ (Rath et al., 1999, p. 59).
- 13.
According to Penninx (2005), its policy has been relatively successful in the sphere of housing (the Dutch system of social housing has prevented ethnic homogenous concentrations) and political representation (participation of elected politicians with immigrant backgrounds in the national government, parliament, municipalities and city councils); in the field of education the second generation immigrants are catching up; the labour market policies were not successful.
- 14.
See Chap. 10 on freedom of speech.
- 15.
WikiIslam on Islam and Freedom of Speech: ‘The concept of ‘freedom of speech’ is derived from the Capitalist ideology that is based on the belief that God and religion should be separated from life’s affairs (secularism). Human beings define how to live their lives free of the constraints of religion which is why freedom of individual, ownership, religion and speech are essential cornerstones of Capitalism. The right to speak and what are the limits of speech are therefore all defined by human beings. This view completely contradicts Islam. In Islam it is the Creator of human beings Allah
who gave the right of speech to people and defined the limits of what is acceptable and unacceptable speech. (…) Although, the Qur’an does not specify in unequivocal terms any punishment for blasphemy, we may find some serious justifications for the death penalty for blasphemers: (…) ‘The punishment of those who wage war against Allah and His messenger and strive to make mischief in the land is only this, that they should be murdered or crucified or their hands and their feet should be cut off on opposite sides or they should be imprisoned’ (Qu’ran 5:33). (…) ‘If he openly insults our Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, then our religion makes it lawful to kill him’. The Fiqh Concerning Those Who Insult The Messenger of Allah. Shaykh Dr. Abdalqadir as-Sufi, February 6, 2006. https://wikiislam.net/wiki/Islam_and_Freedom_of_Speech. Accessed 12 Jul 2016. - 16.
- 17.
According to Phalet et al. (2004), Dutch Turks and Moroccans tend to appreciate authoritarian leadership and condemn euthanasia, abortion and gay marriage the more religious they are—just as is the case with autochthones. The more educated and the younger they are, the less they are involved with religion and the more they accept democratic values and liberties. Free speech is generally accepted, irrespective of age, education or level of religiosity. However, the acceptance is selective: Turkish and Moroccan youngsters are more disposed to prohibit publications that mock religion than autochthones are.
- 18.
Rawls (1993).
- 19.
- 20.
- 21.
Kymlicka and Raz prefer the ideal of autonomy of comprehensive liberalism to Rawls’ political liberalism (see Kymlicka 1995a, chapter 8). The disadvantage is that this presupposes a non-neutral individualistic starting point that will not easily convince non-liberal groups; but the authors think that these groups will not care much about neutrality of aim if the resulting liberal policies still undermine their illiberal practices.
- 22.
Critics like Galston (1995) object that, as a consequence of this individualistic perspective, minority cultures will still lose their identity, because many religions are incompatible with individual autonomy. Therefore Galston only allows for a right of exit.
- 23.
Kymlicka 1995a, pp. 139-140.
- 24.
A more radical proposal for a separate Islamic society in the Netherlands has been advocated by ‘Ikblijfmoslim’ (2015). Muslims should have their own services, such as schools, universities, companies and jobs, in order to escape the discrimination of the racist Dutch society; this is possible because Dutch Muslim communities are concentrated in particular areas in the Netherlands where they constitute the majority.
- 25.
Traditionally, shura, as expressed in Sura 42:38 of the Quran, was conceived as a request of the ruler to his subjects for a non-binding opinion, which is quite different from the democratic principle that every citizen has one vote. In the absence of an Arabic concept of democracy, the Arab language has borrowed dimuqratia from the colonial West.
- 26.
Also see Van der Burg (2003).
- 27.
- 28.
- 29.
This does not preclude consultation and pragmatic deliberations with representatives of minorities and other stakeholders.
- 30.
See Macedo (1995).
- 31.
Also see Franken (2016).
- 32.
Brian Barrry (2001) argues that compensatory measures for cultural minorities encounter the same objections as subsidizing expensive preferences. Whoever allows orthodox religious rules to impede his social opportunities, for instance a Sikh whose turban precludes participation in traffic with a motorcycle helmet, is acting on his own responsibility. This is not an instance of injustice that needs compensation. But the government should remove unnecessary barriers. For instance, the only reason why an organization is allowed to ban headscarves is that wearing one would be professionally dysfunctional.
- 33.
See Chap. 11 on state neutrality.
- 34.
For Jews, the holy day is Saturday, the 7th day of Creation and God’s day off. For Christians it is Sunday, the day of Christ’s resurrection. Muslims celebrate Friday, the day of Adam’s creation.
- 35.
De Volkskrant, 8 April 2000, UN correspondent report no. 2-261056, Geneva 4 July 2000.
- 36.
The increasing role of the Internet is another form of modernization, highlighted by Jeanine Janssen et al. (2011). Girls use anonymous discussion forums and blogs to explore the boundaries of the honour code beyond the social control of their parents. Moreover, threats to put pictures of honour violations on line are used for blackmail—for instance, by a man who, after being rejected as a potential husband by his girl friend’s family, still tried to compel them to permit marriage. According to Janssen , ‘in a society, (groups of) people with different notions of honour can enter into contact, ideas about honour can change, (relatively) new codes of honour can originate and, as a result of technological developments, honour can also acquire a virtual existence’ (Janssen et al. 2011, p. 275).
- 37.
- 38.
For Iran, see Afshar 1998, Pakistan HRW 1999, Jordan documentary on Dutch tv, Netwerk May 23 1999, Questions by Members of Parliament Arib and Bussemaker TK 1998-1999 Supplement 1571, http://www.hrw.org/press/1999/aug/honorpr.htm
- 39.
This difference in traditions explains why there are relatively more male victims among Turks than in other cultures where honour killing is practised (cf. Kressel 1981, p. 145, who found that of the 72 people killed in 63 cases, 16 were male and 56 female).
- 40.
Moreover, if a man has taken the law into his own hands and killed his wife or daughter, the sentence may be drastically reduced or his act may not be considered a crime at all, if it is proven that he acted to defend his honour (for Pakistan see Human Rights Watch 1999, p. 44; for Iran see Afshar 1998, p. 173).
- 41.
The number of reported cases of honour-related violence, around 3000, is much larger; but this category includes quite different phenomena, such as circumcision and marital imprisonment. The Dutch National Centre of Expertise on Honour Based Violence advises the police on 400 to 500 complex possible honour cases each year. Half relate to threats and a third to assault and battery. Most cases involve people of Turkish background, followed by Moroccans, Afghans, Iraqis, Egyptians and Pakistanis.
- 42.
Also see Chap. 6 on Dutch case law concerning euthanasia.
- 43.
In practice, this radical cultural defence is never used, and would not stand a chance in a Dutch court.
- 44.
This may be different for minors who are appointed by the family to carry out the killing.
- 45.
Evidently the sanction may not exceed the maximum set by retributive justice; the punishment should be proportional to the gravity of the crime. Moreover, legal prevention should be accompanied by efforts in other fields, such as education and information on the basic human rights of Dutch society.
- 46.
Barnett (1948), p. 354.
- 47.
Barnett wrote this in opposition to the combination of the descriptive, epistemological and normative cultural relativism of the 1947 Statement on Human Rights. In this Statement, cultural anthropologists like Ruth Benedict had protested against the claim of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights that its liberal human rights have universal validity. Like Huntington , they argued that the human rights are a biased expression of Western individualism. In their view, the Declaration wrongly neglects the anthropological fact ‘that the personality of the individual can develop only in terms of the culture of his society’ (American Anthropological Association 1947, p. 540). When applied universally, the individual liberties would lead to frustration, for non-Western people ‘will thus be excluded from the freedom of full participation in the only right and proper way of life that can be known to them, the institutions, sanctions and goals that make up the culture of their particular society’ (id., p. 543). The Statement concluded: ‘Respect for differences between cultures is validated by the scientific fact that no technique of qualitatively evaluating cultures has been discovered’ (id., p. 541). According to Barnett this normative conclusion is a non sequitur. Also see Maris (1991).
who gave the right of speech to people and defined the limits of what is acceptable and unacceptable speech. (…) Although, the Qur’an does not specify in unequivocal terms any punishment for blasphemy, we may find some serious justifications for the death penalty for blasphemers: (…) ‘The punishment of those who wage war against Allah and His messenger and strive to make mischief in the land is only this, that they should be murdered or crucified or their hands and their feet should be cut off on opposite sides or they should be imprisoned’ (Qu’ran 5:33). (…) ‘If he openly insults our Messenger, may Allah bless him and grant him peace, then our religion makes it lawful to kill him’. The Fiqh Concerning Those Who Insult The Messenger of Allah. Shaykh Dr. Abdalqadir as-Sufi, February 6, 2006. References
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Maris, C. (2018). I Have Cleansed My Honour: Multiculturalism and the Dutch Pillar System. In: Tolerance : Experiments with Freedom in the Netherlands. Law and Philosophy Library, vol 124. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-89346-4_9
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