Abstract
It is one thing to establish that liberalism does not prescribe a commitment to economic growth, but another thing altogether to demonstrate that liberal democracies do not face a structural imperative for growth independent of societal preferences and/or liberal norms. In contrast to agent-centred theories, structural approaches to the social sciences hold that individual agency alone provides an insufficient explanation of social and political behaviour, because all action is determined at least partly by prevailing social structures. Whilst actors can often exercise considerable agency within these structures, systemic regularities reproduce particular patterns of behaviour, often without actors being fully aware of these constraints (Callinicos in Making history: Agency, Structure and Change in social theory. Cornell University Press, Ithaca, New York, 1988). For these reasons, structural theories hold that social systems structure the preferences of actors and set limits on the kinds of preferences that can be satisfied (Giddens in Central Problems In Social Theory: Action, Structure and Contradictions in Social Analysis. University of California Press, Berkeley, California, 1979).
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The most spectacular historical illustration of this process has been in the agricultural sector, which before the Industrial Revolution accounted for approximately three quarters of the workforce, but now employs less than 2% of the population in developed countries. Meanwhile, since the early 1970s, productivity in the manufacturing sector has increased by almost half (Schor 2010).
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This argument is also made by proponents of the ‘treadmill of production’ thesis, such as Schnaiberg (1980), Schnaiberg et al. (2002) and Gould et al. (2008, 1996).
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Institutionalist IR theories are often classified as liberal due to their normative, historical and/or semantic connotations. However, in many respects, namely the way that they focus on states, power and interests, their explanatory assumptions are actually closer to structural theories, such as neorealism (Moravcsik 1997; Waltz 2000; Stein 2008).
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Indeed, some structural adjustment measures have actually reduced growth rates in some recipient countries (Easterly 2005).
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Conversely, as Waltz (2000) acknowledges, defence spending often actually slows economic growth, because it tends to stimulate economic activity about half as much as a more direct investment in the domestic economy.
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The other megatrends identified by the National Intelligence Council (2012) are increased individual empowerment, the diffusion of power and changing demographic patterns. See also US Department of Defense (2010, 2014b).
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Ferguson, P. (2018). The Growth Imperative. In: Post-growth Politics. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78799-2_5
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DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78799-2_5
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