Abstract
This chapter looks at the 1990s, when state makers argued that the limits of earlier truth and retributive justice policies had been reached, replacing them with a new transitional justice policy based around the concept of reconciliation. Reconciliation emphasized amnesty rather than retributive justice, and was shaped by ideas around democratization that emphasized the need to reach an agreement with the armed forces lest democratic stability be threatened. It shows how in practice reconciliation was used by the state as a way to address current political conflicts, using the threat of instability to legitimize curtailing the political protagonism of human rights groups and the judiciary.
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- 1.
‘Mensaje ante la Asamblea Legislativa, July 8, 1989,’ in Discursos del Señor Presidente de la Nación Argentina, Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem 1989 (Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Prensa y Difusión, 1990).
- 2.
John Torpey, Making Whole What Has Been Smashed: On Reparations Politics (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006), 7–9. This analysis complements the arguments made by historians of human rights who argue that the breakthrough of human rights in the 1970s was a response to the waning of utopian political frameworks like socialism. See Samuel Moyn, The Last Utopia: Human Rights in History (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2010).
- 3.
Ruti Teitel, ‘Transitional Justice Genealogy,’ Harvard Human Rights Journal 16 (2003): 75–78.
- 4.
El País, May 16, 1989.
- 5.
Mara Loveman, ‘The Modern State and the Primitive Accumulation of Symbolic Power,’ American Journal of Sociology 110, no. 6 (2005): 1663.
- 6.
Alison Brysk, The Politics of Human Rights in Argentina: Protest, Change and Democratization (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1994), 80.
- 7.
Quoted in Marcelo Sancinetti, Derechos Humanos en la Argentina Post-dictatorial (Buenos Aires: Lerner Editores, 1988), 229–231.
- 8.
Quoted in Carlos H. Acuña and Catalina Smulovitz, ‘Militares en la Transición Argentina: Del gobierno a la subordinación constitucional,’ in Juicio, castigo, y memorias: derechos humanos y justicia en la política argentina, ed. Elizabeth Jelín et al. (Buenos Aires: Nueva Visión, 1995), 61.
- 9.
Interview, Archivos Orales de la Argentina Contemporánea, Instituto Gino Germani, Universidad de Buenos Aires, May 18, 2005.
- 10.
Alfonsín, ‘Discurso al País “No creo en puntos finales por decreto”, December 5, 1986’ reproduced in Sancinetti, Derechos Humanos en la Argentina Post-dictatorial, 237–238.
- 11.
Ley 23.492, ‘Ley de Punto Final,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, December 29, 1986.
- 12.
Clarín, April 20, 1987.
- 13.
Ley 23.521, ‘Ley de Obediencia Debida,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, June 8, 1987.
- 14.
Secretaría Parlamentaria de la Cámara de Diputados de la Nación, Diario de Asuntos Tratados Reunión 8 (15 May 1987): 619.
- 15.
Ibid., 14.
- 16.
Ibid., 15.
- 17.
A seminal moment in the development of these circles was a 1988 conference held at the Aspen Institute, with Nino and Malamud Goti in attendance alongside others such as José Zalaquett, who would later play a central role in the Chilean truth commission, Lawrence Weschler, a US journalist who had been covering the process of dealing with the past in Brazil and Uruguay, and Diane Orentlicher, who later worked as an advisor to the United Nations in their principles on impunity. The results of the conference were later complied with other materials in Neil Kritz, ed., Transitional Justice: How Emerging Democracies Reckon with Former Regimes (Washington, DC: The United States Institute of Peace Press, 1995).
- 18.
Paige Arthur, ‘How “Transitions” Reshaped Human Rights: A Conceptual History of Transitional Justice,’ Human Rights Quarterly 31 (2009): 343–348. See also Guillermo O’Donnell and Philippe C. Schmitter, Transitions from Authoritarian Rule: Tentative Conclusions About Uncertain Democracies (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1986).
- 19.
Antonio Cafiero, ‘En qué nos equivocamos,’ in El Peronismo de la Derrota, ed. Miguel Unamuno et al. (Buenos Aires: Cedal, 1984), 152.
- 20.
Ibid., 151.
- 21.
For Menem, liberal democracy in the style promoted by Alfonsín was a European import. See James McGuire, Peronism Without Perón: Unions, Parties and Democracy in Argentina (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1997), 212.
- 22.
Quoted in Mario Baizán, Desde el Poder: Carlos Menem Responde (Buenos Aires: Corregidor, 1994), 63.
- 23.
Discurso Oficial, November 1, 1989. Discursos del Señor Presidente de la Nación Argentina, Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem 1989 (Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Prensa y Difusión, 1990).
- 24.
El Bimestre, no. 46 (1989): 11–12.
- 25.
Mensaje ante la Asamblea Legislativa, July 8, 1989. Discursos del Señor Presidente de la Nación Argentina, Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem 1989 (Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Prensa y Difusión, 1990).
- 26.
‘Mensaje del Poder Ejecutivo al Honorable Congreso de la Nación, May 13, 1987,’ in Secretaría Parlamentaria de la Cámara de Diputados de la Nación, Diario de Asuntos Tratados, Reunión 8 (15 May 1987): 619.
- 27.
Menem actually issued the pardons in two stages: the first, issued 7 October 1989, pardoned those arraigned after the Juicio but before the laws of Punto Final and Obediencia Debida came into force, members of guerrilla organisations, those charged with crimes relating to the war in the Malvinas, and those charged for their involvement in the carapintada uprisings. Decrees issued 30 December 1990 pardoned those sentenced in the Juicio a las Juntas, Mario Firmenich, ex-Montonero leader, and various others sentenced for crimes relating to state terrorism. Decretos 1.002/1989, 1.003/1989, 1.004/1989, 1.005/1989, Boletín Oficial de la Repúbica Argentina, October 10, 1989.
- 28.
Upon his inauguration as president Menem announced an approach he classified as ‘major surgery without anesthetic,’ in which he would take the dramatic measures necessary to address economic, social and political issues facing the country. Central to these measures was the Ley de Emergencia Económica (Economic Emergency Law), which allowed for greater unilateral Executive action regarding spending and budget matters. El País, August 10, 1989.
- 29.
Página/12, December 5, 1988.
- 30.
Página/12, May 5, 1989.
- 31.
They also pardoned the three generals responsible for the Malvinas War, as well as a large number of middle-ranking officers involved in the post-1986 uprisings.
- 32.
Marcos Novaro and Vicente Palermo, Política y Poder en el Gobierno de Menem (Buenos Aires: Editoral Norma, 1996), 255.
- 33.
Clarín, September 19, 1989.
- 34.
Decreto 1.003/1989 ‘Indultos: Extinción de la pena, indulto, derecho penal,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, October 6, 1989.
- 35.
Clarín, May 7, 1990.
- 36.
Camara de Diputados de la Nación, Diario de Sesiones (27 November 1991): 4834.
- 37.
For a journalistic overview of this process see Horacio Verbitsky, Hacer la Corte: La Construcción de un Poder Absoluto sin Justicia ni Control (Buenos Aires: Planeta, 1993).
- 38.
Ley 23.053, ‘Reincorporaciones de Personal del Servicio Exterior de la Nación declarados prescindibles’ reinstated members of the overseas diplomatic corps, and Ley 23.117, ‘Incorporación de trabajadores despedidos o cesanteados de las empresas mixtas del Estado por razones políticas, gremiales o sociales’ reinstated those working for state enterprises fired for political or trade union reasons. There were also separate laws that specifically addressed teachers, bank workers and former holders of public office. Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, April 4, 1984, November 7, 1984.
- 39.
Ley 23.466, ‘Otorgamiento de pensiones no contributivas para el derechohabiente de las personas desaparecidas entre el 24/3/76 y el 9/12/88,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, Feburary 16, 1987.
- 40.
María José Guembe, ‘Economic Reparations for Grave Human Rights Violations: The Argentinean Experience,’ in The Handbook of Reparations, ed. Pablo de Greiff (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 24; Fernando J. Bosco, ‘Human Rights Politics and Scaled Performances of Memory: Conflicts Among the Madres de Plaza de Mayo in Argentina,’ Social & Cultural Geography 5, no. 3 (2004): 381–402.
- 41.
Grupo de Iniciativa para una Convención contra las Desapariciones Forzadas de Personas, La desaparición forzada como crimen de lesa humanidad, Conference Proceedings, Buenos Aires, October 10–13, 1988.
- 42.
Resolution 1989/13, 13 August 1989; Theo van Boven, ‘Study Concerning the Right to Restitution, Compensation and Rehabilitation for Victims of Gross Violations of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms,’ E/CN.4/Sub.2/1990/10.
- 43.
Decreto 798/90 ‘Reparaciones. Creación de una comisión integrada por representantes de ambas cámaras del Congreso de la Nación y de una entidad no gubernamental, dedicada a la defensa de los derechos humanos,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, May 17, 1990; Guembe, ‘Economic Reparations for Grave Human Rights Violations,’ 49.
- 44.
Decreto 70/91, ‘Reparaciones: Las personas que durante la vigencia del estado de sitio hubieran sido puestas a disposición del poder ejecutivo nacional,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, January 16, 1991.
- 45.
Archivo Oral de Memoria Abierta, Testimonio de Alicia Pierini, Buenos Aires, September 6, 2003.
- 46.
Ministerio del Interior, Informe: 1989–1999: Diez años de derechos humanos (Buenos Aires: Ministerio del Interior, 1999), 24, 25.
- 47.
Arthur, ‘How “Transitions” Reshaped Human Rights,’ 335–336.
- 48.
For an analysis of administrative reforms in transitional contexts see, for example, Ben Ross Schneider and Blanca Herardia, eds., Reinventing Leviathan: The Politics of Administrative Reform in Developing Countries (Miami: North-South Center Press, 2003). For Menem’s particular approach to reform and the concentration of power, see Mariana Llanos, ‘Understanding Presidential Power in Argentina: A Study of the Policy of Privatization in the 1990s,’ Journal of Latin American Studies 33 (2001): 67–99.
- 49.
Decreto 645/1991, ‘Estructura Administrativa del Ministerio del Interior,’ Boletín Oficial de la República Argentina, April 19, 1991. The restrucutre saw the Alfonsín-era Subsecretaría de Derechos Humanos (Human Rights Sub-Secretariat) given a lower administrative rank and renamed the Dirección Nacional de Derechos Humanos (National Human Rights Directive). In 1992, after a meeting between Menem and the Abuelas de Plaza de Mayo, it was re-elevated to the rank (and name) of Subsecretaría.
- 50.
See Estela Barnes de Carlotto, ‘Niños desaparecidos por motivos políticos en la República Argentina (1976–1983),’ in Verdad y Justicia: Homenaje a Emilio F. Mignone (Buenos Aires: Instituto Interamericano de Derechos Humanos, 2001), 87–94.
- 51.
CONADI, ‘Creación de la Comisión Nacional por le Derecho a la Identidad,’ Accessed October 30, 2011, www.conadi.jus.gob.ar/home_fl.html.
- 52.
Ministerio del Interior, Informe: 1989–1999, 22.
- 53.
Quoted in Elizabeth Lira and Brian Loveman, Políticas de reparación. Chile 1990–2004 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2005), 22.
- 54.
Ley 19.123 ,‘Crea Corporación Nacional de Reparación y Reconciliación, establece pensión de reparación y ortoga otros beneficios en favor de personas que señala,’ Diario Oficial de la República de Chile, Feburary 8, 1992.
- 55.
See, for example, Ley 18.979, ‘Rehabilita nacionalidad chilena a don Orlando Letelier del Solar,’ Diario Oficial de la República de Chile, May 11, 1990; Ley 18.994, ‘Crea Oficina Nacional del Retorno,’ Diario Oficial de la República de Chile, August 20, 1990; Ley 19.074 ‘Autoriza ejercicio profesional a personas que señala que obtuvieron títulos o grados en el extranjero,’ Diario Oficial de la República de Chile, August 28, 1991.
- 56.
Patricio Aylwin, Interview, Revista Que Pasa (2016), Accessed June 18, 2017, http://www.quepasa.cl/articulo/politica/2016/04/la-ultima-entrevista-de-patricio-Aylwin.shtml/.
- 57.
Carlos Huneeus, La democracia semisoberana: Chile después de Pinochet (Santiago: Taurus, 2014), 237.
- 58.
Steve Stern, Reckoning with Pinochet: The Memory Question in Democratic Chile (Durham and London: Duke University Press, 2010), 113–115.
- 59.
Ibid., 121; Elizabeth Lira and Brian Loveman, El espejismo de la reconciliación política. Chile 1990–2002 (Santiago: LOM Ediciones, 2002), 109.
- 60.
El Mercurio, March 9, 1991.
- 61.
El Mercurio, March 23, 1991.
- 62.
Quoted in Thomas C. Wright, State Terrorism in Latin America: Chile, Argentina and International Human Rights (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006), 196.
- 63.
Stern, Reckoning with Pinochet, 154.
- 64.
Quoted in Que Pasa, no. 1386 (November 4–10, 1997).
- 65.
This is the conclusion reached by many political scientists who focus on the constraints upon state actors during transition. For an example that considers constraints posed by the relative power of the military, alongside other factors, see David Pion-Berlin, ‘To Prosecute or to Pardon? Human Rights Decisions in the Latin American Southern Cone,’ Human Rights Quarterly 15 (1993): 105–130.
- 66.
Francesca Lessa, Memory and Transitional Justice in Argentina and Uruguay: Against Impunity (New York: Palgrave, 2013), 133–134.
- 67.
Luis Roniger and Mario Sznajder, The Legacy of Human Rights Violations in the Southern Cone: Argentina, Chile & Uruguay (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999), 139.
- 68.
Alexandra Barahona de Brito, Human Rights and Democratization in Latin America: Uruguay and Chile (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 126.
- 69.
Francesca Lessa, ‘Barriers to Justice: The Ley de Caducidad and Impunity In Uruguay,’ in Amnesty in an Age of Human Rights Accountability: Comparative and International Perspectives, ed. Francesca Lessa and Leigh Payne (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012), 127.
- 70.
Barahona de Brito, Human Rights and Democratization, 141.
- 71.
The full name for the law was the Ley de Caducidad de Pretensión Punitiva del Estado, which referred to the expiration of the state’s capacity to bring charges, or the expiration of the statute of limitations on the crimes committed during the dictatorship. Ley 15.848, ‘Se Reconoce que ha Caducado el Ejercicio de la Pretensión Punitiva del Estado Respecto a los Delitos Cometidos Hasta el 1 de Marzo de 1985,’ Diario Oficial (Uruguay), December 31, 1986.
- 72.
Roniger and Sznajder, The Legacy of Human Rights Violations, 86.
- 73.
Lessa, Memory and Transitional Justice, 139.
- 74.
Ibid., 140.
- 75.
Quoted in Luis Roniger, ‘Transitional Justice and Protracted Accountability in Re-democratized Uruguay, 1985–2001,’ Journal of Latin American Studies 43, no. 4 (2011): 703.
- 76.
Quoted in Loveman and Lira, El espejismo de la reconciliación política, 132.
- 77.
Andrew Schaap, Political Reconciliation (London: Routledge, 2005), 8.
- 78.
Discurso del Señor Presidente de la Nación Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem, 12 December 1989, Discursos del Señor Presidente de la Nación Argentina Dr. Carlos Saúl Menem: 1989 (Buenos Aires: Secretaría de Prensa y Difusión, 1990).
- 79.
Philip Corrigan and Derek Sayer, The Great Arch: English State Formation as Cultural Revolution (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1985), 6.
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Carmody, M.F. (2018). Reconciliation: Defining the Limits of Transitional Justice. In: Human Rights, Transitional Justice, and the Reconstruction of Political Order in Latin America. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-78393-2_4
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