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The Evolution of Suicide pp 153–194Cite as

Common Mental Disorders (CMDs) as Keepers

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Part of the book series: Evolutionary Psychology ((EVOLPSYCH))

Abstract

This chapter looks for psychological and behavioral phenomena that match the design specification of keepers detailed in the preceding chapter. If they exist, they should not be hard to find because of the predicted strangeness of keeper responses: triggered by intense and chronic emotional pain, keepers should reduce the motivation for suicide by moderating the aversiveness of the experience, and/or they should impair the capability to carry out suicide by attenuating psychomotor energy, decision-making, and other general intellectual faculties. The components and signature outcomes of the keeper specification are observed in a number of compulsive human responses to emotional pain, in symptoms of depression, addiction, psychotic delusions, self-harm, and other common mental disorders (CMDs), states that occur alongside heightened suicide risk. The closeness of the fit between the a priori design and observed form suggests that some CMD symptoms may, in fact, be evolved anti-suicide mechanisms.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    We are here setting aside the potential circularity that suicidality may itself be taken as a diagnostic criterion for depression and that depression may have lifted due to an artificial, endogenous confound such as the use of antidepressants . Some clinicians and researchers do indeed caution that suicide risk may intensify when depressive symptoms start to lift (Buchholtz-Hansen, Wang, & Kragh-Sørensen, 1993; Meehl, 1973). Others suggest that some suicides among apparently recovering patients may occur, rather, due to a cyclical recurrence of depressive states (Schweizer, Dever, & Clary, 1988; Sharma, Persad, & Kueneman, 1998).

  2. 2.

    Many of the citations that follow draw on the pioneering work of medical sociologist George W. Brown and his co-workers in uncovering common psychosocial precursors of common mental disorders and their remissions (Harris, 2000b).

  3. 3.

    Depression can also precipitate new stresses due to its adverse impact on the sufferer’s social supports, with the implied risk of a potentially self-perpetuating downward spiral (Hammen, 1991, 1992).

  4. 4.

    Commensurately, once an adequate alternative primary purpose in life is found, often involving a religious conversion or spiritual experience (Jung, 1961; Menninger, 1938) , the compulsion to use drugs or drink often lifts, along with other addictive behaviours, in a spontaneous remission that can appear miraculous (Galanter & Kaskutas, 2008; Pearce, Rivinoja, & Koenig, 2008; Zemore, 2008). If addiction were understood as a reactive defence against suicidogenic pain, then such a recovery pattern could make sense: once the originating pain is relieved, an organismic defence against suicide would presumably become redundant.

  5. 5.

    Ferrada-Noli, Asberg, Ormstad, Lundin, and Sundbom (1998) found that, among 117 traumatised refugees, those without symptoms of depression reported more suicide attempts than those with. The finding was only on the margins of statistical significance and would, anyway, provide only ambiguous evidence in support of the hypothesis of this chapter. As cautioned earlier, correlational associations that may be taken to suggest an anti-suicide effect in certain traits could, at the same time, be taken as counter-evidence, that those traits did not evolve for a special anti-suicide purpose.

  6. 6.

    This commonality across addictions is mirrored in the universality of suicide risk: addiction to apparently any drug is linked to heightened suicidality (Tousignant, 2003), and there is no evidence that some drugs are more linked to suicide than others (Lester, 1992).

  7. 7.

    One exception to this prospectus might be generalised anxiety disorder , on the grounds that free-floating anxiousness is hypothesised not to constitute a keeper per se but likely to accompany the activation of keepers as a general form of protective vigilance in the face of a severe, uncertain fitness threat (see 4.4.4). Bateson, Brilot, and Nettle (2011) argue, citing epidemiological evidence, that dispositional anxiety has a protective effect, associated with lower mortality than controls.

  8. 8.

    The refusal of non-human animals to become addicted to alcohol was known in Darwin’s time. Darwin (1871) cites a then famous book by A E Brehm, Illustriertes Tierleben:

    Brehm asserts that the natives of north-eastern Africa catch the wild baboons by exposing vessels with strong beer, by which they are made drunk. He has seen some of these animals, which he kept in confinement, in this state; and he gives a laughable account of their behaviour and strange grimaces. On the following morning they were very cross and dismal; they held their aching heads with both hands and wore a most pitiable expression: when beer or wine was offered them, they turned away with disgust , but relished the juice of lemons. (Darwin, 1871, p. 12)

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    C. A. Soper

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Soper, C.A. (2018). Common Mental Disorders (CMDs) as Keepers. In: The Evolution of Suicide. Evolutionary Psychology. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77300-1_5

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