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Trans Migrations: Brazilian Travestis’ Spatial and Embodied Journeys

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Brazilian 'Travesti' Migrations

Part of the book series: Genders and Sexualities in the Social Sciences ((GSSS))

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Abstract

This chapter describes some scholars’ analyses on how spaces are normative and the difficulties non-heteronormative sexualities and genders have in finding safe places in contemporary cities. It problematises the metaphor of ‘home’ as a tool to examine trans people’s gender and spatial mobilisations. The chapter also introduces the so-called sexual migration and queer migration to then describe the specificity of trans migrations. Finally, it examines Brazilian travesti national and transnational displacements. It focuses particularly on the different prostitution venues travestis transit in Rio de Janeiro and Barcelona to understand their embodiments in the ongoing process of the travestis’ identity formations.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    When analysing trans women sex workers’ experiences in Bogotá, Colombia, Ritterbusch (2016) uses the concept ‘(im)mobility’ to describe their limited mobility to four blocks in the city. She recounts that ‘(im)mobilities are forcibly imposed as a means of maintaining traditional, heteronormative relations in society and as a means of eliminating deviant gender identities from society or keeping them at a distance’ (424). See also Doan (2016).

  2. 2.

    The local expression to name Venezuelan trans (travesti) people.

  3. 3.

    In Brazil, sex workers call pontos to the places where they can work in the streets. Most of them are controlled by mães/madrinhas, and then travestis must pay to them in order to be allowed to work there.

  4. 4.

    Although it is very frequent that Glória is considered as belonging to the City Centre, in fact, it jurisdictionally corresponds to the beginning of the South Zone. However, I will follow local perceptions which locate Glória in the City Centre not only because of its extreme proximity to this area, but also because the practices and social representations of the neighbourhood are more similar to the City Centre than to the South Zone (the latter, one of the most bourgeois areas of the city).

  5. 5.

    For the travestis, it was important to distinguish the ways in which the clients approached them. The differences were generally evident among the clients who arrived on foot and in cars, that is, travestis identified more affluent clients according to their cars.

  6. 6.

    This ‘toleration’ is very different from what it happens in the tourist and wealthy districts of Copacabana , Ipanema, or Barra da Tijuca, where the child sexual exploitation is, formally, ‘combated.’ During 2007 and 2008, the Government of the State of Rio de Janeiro launched a series of operations called ‘CopaBacana,’ ‘IpaBacana,’ and ‘BarraBacana’ (in Portuguese, bacana means ‘fantastic’) to make an urban ‘cleaning’ of Copacabana, Ipanema, and Barra da Tijuca, respectively. They then focused on ‘combating’ child sexual exploitation, drunk drivers, or street vendors. During the fieldwork, and especially in Barra da Tijuca, I noticed how the police especially intimidated the clients of prostitution (and the travestis were very angry about this operation). One of the members of the project of the City Council highlighted the contradictions between the policies of the Government of the State of Rio de Janeiro that, ultimately, sought to end prostitution, and the programmes of the City Council of Rio de Janeiro that delivered condoms among women and travesti sex workers (Field notes, 22 August 2008).

  7. 7.

    The nearest hotel was about 5 km, the more expensive option for those who wished to spend the whole night with them.

  8. 8.

    In this section, I will keep the original names of the travestis who are publicly known in Brazil, with the exception of my interviewees of whom I prefer to remain anonymous.

  9. 9.

    Generally, the great majority of travestis enter the Spanish territory as (‘false’) tourists. This method, however, does not guarantee entry to the country. Police officers working at airports identify, with a wide margin of discretion, people who are possibly ‘false tourists.’ Because of the significant presence of Brazilian women and travestis in the Spanish sex industry, this type of police intervention focuses mainly on flights coming from countries such as Brazil (López Riopedre 2010).

  10. 10.

    Policies on sex trafficking focus exclusively on abused women and children. Trans people do not need to be ‘saved’ from an official discourse nor do they often feel exploited (Patrício 2008; Piscitelli 2008; Teixeira 2008).

  11. 11.

    https://www.slumi.com/travestis/espa%C3%B1a, http://www.erosguia.com/, http://www.taiakashemales.com/, http://www.rincontranny.com/portal/

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    Julieta Vartabedian

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Vartabedian, J. (2018). Trans Migrations: Brazilian Travestis’ Spatial and Embodied Journeys. In: Brazilian 'Travesti' Migrations. Genders and Sexualities in the Social Sciences. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-77101-4_7

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