Abstract
Existing work often monolithically classifies all Kurdish politics as “nationalist” and thus fails to distinguish between traditional, often conservative concepts of politics, identity, and action and other, which, while being national liberationist, contribute to women’s liberationist movements and their autonomous framings of freedom and justice. The following chapter outlines the ideological underpinnings of the Kurdish freedom movement concerning women’s liberation, by focusing on its shift from Marxist-Leninist national liberation to articulating novel concepts of identity and experimenting with grassroots politics that function in opposition to the nation-state ideal: the political system of Democratic Confederalism. I introduce the democratic nation concept as proposed by Öcalan as an attempt to redefine notions of identity and belonging in favor of democratic and liberatory rather than ethnic ideals. While the Kurdish freedom movement is explicitly committed to women’s liberation, further, an autonomous women’s movement defines itself as the guarantor for social change and revolution, positions itself as the pioneering force of democratization, and actively creates own organizational mechanisms and practices. A radical democratic polity beyond kinship associations, which makes women’s liberation conditional to its principles and identity, has a liberating effect on people’s everyday lives.
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Notes
- 1.
See report of OHCHR, “They came to destroy: ISIS Crimes Against the Yazidis”, published in July 2016.
- 2.
This eventually led the international coalition to reconsider its priorities and to aid the fighters on the ground through air strikes, which enabled the—until then failing—coalition to finally claim some victory against ISIS by capitalizing on the resistance on the ground.
- 3.
Rojava (Kurdish: “west”, referring to western Kurdistan, i.e. Northern Syria). For a detailed description of the “Rojava Revolution”, see “Revolution in Rojava: Democratic Autonomy and Women’s Liberation in Syrian Kurdistan”, 2016, by Michael Knapp, Anja Flach and Ercan Ayboğa.
- 4.
The term Kurdish freedom movement refers here to the social and political movement loosely affiliated with Öcalan’s ideology and organized within the democratic confederal system.
- 5.
Women were among the founders of the PKK and among the first guerrilla fighters since the 1980s. The first women’s body within the PKK was the Union of Patriotic Women in Kurdistan (YJWK) in 1987. Women actively led prison uprisings and people’s revolts in Kurdish villages in Turkey throughout the 1980s. Later, encouraged by Öcalan, in 1993, women formed their own army (today called YJA Star), in 1999 their first autonomous party (today called PAJK), and since 2005, began their autonomous self-organization in all spheres of life. In 2003, the previously formed women’s academy initiated educations for the “transformation of the man”. Today, all militants undergo educations on sexism, women’s history, and women’s liberation, taught by women. The KJK is the umbrella women’s democratic confederal system.
- 6.
My observations are a result of my ethnographic fieldwork in the region.
- 7.
Deniz Gezmiş, often described as the “Turkish Che Guevara”, one of the founders of the People’s Liberation Army of Turkey (THKO), was a revolutionary Marxist-Leninist, who became an iconic hero of the left for his role in the 1968 revolutionary movement and later due to his execution by the state. Along with his comrades Hüseyin Inan and Yusuf Aslan, he was hanged by the state on May 6, 1972.
- 8.
Mahir Çayan was one of the leaders of the People’s Liberation Party-Front of Turkey (THKP-C). Kidnapping two NATO officials to pressure the Turkish state into reverting the death sentence for Deniz Gezmiş and his friends, Cayan and nine other activists were attacked and killed by the army on March 30, 1972.
- 9.
Sakine Cansız nom-de-guerre Sara co-founded the PKK and famously led the uprisings in Diyarbakir prison in the early 1980s. She spent years in the mountains as a guerrilla and is considered a hero for the Kurdish freedom movement. On January 9, 2013, she was murdered along with two other Kurdish women activists, Fidan Doğan and Leyla Şaylemez, in Paris. It is suspected that the Turkish intelligence service was behind the assassination.
- 10.
- 11.
Öcalan’s emphasis on ecology as well as some of his ideas on direct democratic politics owes to Murray Bookchin’s concept of “Social Ecology”. See Jongerden and Akkaya for these intellectual links.
- 12.
- 13.
See Rodi Said for REUTERS World News, March 16, 2016.
- 14.
Peace in Kurdistan 2014, Charter of the Social Contract—Self-Rule in Rojava. Available at Peace in Kurdistan Campaign Online.
- 15.
Document of the Democratic Federal System of Rojava –Northern Syria.
- 16.
Social Contract of the Democratic Federalism of Northern Syria.
- 17.
Ibid. Articles 13, 14, 26, 67, 68, and 69.
- 18.
Ibid. Articles 12 and 26.
- 19.
Ibid. Articles 11 and 25.
- 20.
See Social Contract, Article 12. The co-presidency principle that was introduced by the Kurdish freedom movement shares the chair between one woman and one man. The logic behind this principle is to de-monopolize power and encourage decisions based on consensus.
- 21.
Nesrîn Ebdullah: We will turn Kobanê into a women’s city, 24.01.2017, Gazete Şûjin.
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Dirik, D. (2018). Overcoming the Nation-State: Women’s Autonomy and Radical Democracy in Kurdistan. In: Mulholland, J., Montagna, N., Sanders-McDonagh, E. (eds) Gendering Nationalism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76699-7_8
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