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Family, Schooling, and Cultural Capital

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Handbook of the Sociology of Education in the 21st Century

Part of the book series: Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research ((HSSR))

Abstract

School-related cultural capital refers to the skills, habits, identities, worldviews, preferences or values that students enact in schools and that affect their school success. This chapter describes how Pierre Bourdieu’s theory of cultural capital explains social reproduction—the fact that, as adults, children tend to replicate the social class status of their parents. This is largely because academic performance and school success are strongly and positively correlated with parental social class. I examine social class differences in parenting and how these affect the habitus, or underlying skills and dispositions toward schooling of children from different social classes. These differential skills and dispositions in turn give rise to differential academic skills, work habits, and related school behaviors which are judged by teachers when they assign course grades on the report cards of students. As students move up through the levels of schooling, social class differences in course grades lead to social class differences in curriculum selection and high school graduation. Then, high school grades, teacher’s recommendations, and standardized test scores affect postsecondary enrollment and degree attainment. These in turn lead to differences in occupational employment and earnings favoring children from higher social class backgrounds.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Over time, sociologists in many additional countries, notably England, the Netherlands, and France, have contributed to the literature on cultural capital. However, the U.S. has dominated, not only in the quantity of publications, but also because the most influential researchers, including Paul DiMaggio, Annette Lareau, Ann Swidler, and Loic Wacquant, are based at American universities.

  2. 2.

    Like many of Bourdieu’s concepts, the precise meaning of habitus has been much debated. Bourdieu often referred to it as an individual’s “dispositions,” so that many researchers concluded that it encompasses tastes, preferences, attitudes, and related characteristics, but does not include skills. However, Loic Wacquant, a student and co-author of Bourdieu, has forcefully argued that it does include skills, since it is often created in apprentice-like situations in which an individual is learning, through iterative engagement with others, practical knowledge that can be deployed within a particular “field” or setting of action. Thus, in a debate on the meaning of habitus, Wacquant cites Bourdieu to argue that “settings that inculcate, cultivate, and reward distinct but transposable sets of categories, skills, and desires among their participants can be fruitfully analyzed as sites of production and operation of habitus” (Wacquant 2014, p. 120, emphasis added). It is this understanding of habitus, including both skills and dispositions, which I employ in this chapter. This logic, in which an individual’s position within a field of action leads to her habitus, which in turn leads to the cultural capital she enacts within this field of action, is central to cultural capital theory, and will be discussed at greater length later in the chapter. Economists may say, “skills are just human capital.” But their discussions of the determinants and consequences of skill development do not typically include the complex social psychological issues examined by Wacquant and others working in the cultural capital tradition.

  3. 3.

    Human Capital was even the title of a movie released in 2013.

  4. 4.

    See Erving Goffman’s “The Moral Career of the Mental Patient” (Goffman 1961, chapter 2).

  5. 5.

    This is an important point, which is often missed by cultural capital researchers who use standardized test scores rather than course grades as outcome variables. Central to cultural capital theory is the interaction between individuals and gatekeepers, and the judgment that the latter render on the former’s suitability and standing in the field of play. In K–12 education this interaction is largely between students and their teachers. Course grades are the result.

  6. 6.

    Of course, exposure to highbrow culture may result in improved language use and presentation of self which might positively impress teachers. However empirical estimates of this effect including a full range of controls including test scores have typically found at best a very weak relationship between elite cultural activities and course grades. For example, see Dumais et al. (2012).

  7. 7.

    Of course, institutions of higher learning themselves have a prestige hierarchy, and doubtless the children of unskilled workers were more likely to attend the less prestigious institutions. For theories of “maximally maintained inequality” and “effectively maintained inequality” arguing that upper-class parents strive to and will always manage to maintain their children’s advantages over those of children from lower classes, see Raftery and Hout (1993) and Lucas (2001).

  8. 8.

    This may be partly because some researchers misunderstand the theory. But it is also the case that access to students’ records is often difficult to obtain.

  9. 9.

    In addition, course grades are not the only determinant of school success. Standardized test scores also play an important role in college access. Why colleges place such great weight on test scores is a subject worthy of additional investigation.

  10. 10.

    But note that Richland also judges whether the student “advocates for self.”

  11. 11.

    And these teachers’ values likely benefit females more than males. See Dumais (2002), Morris (2008).

  12. 12.

    A subset of studies use standardized test scores as their ultimate outcome measures. But it would be more appropriate to use teacher-assigned course grades, because only these represent the teacher-gatekeeper judgments that are so central to cultural capital theory. (Of course standardized test scores should be one of the predictors of the teacher-assigned course grade, since test scores measure the academic knowledge and skills that the student displays to the teacher.)

  13. 13.

    There is a large literature on parental involvement with their child’s school work, teacher, and school activities more generally, and how this involvement is related to student achievement. For examples, see Van Voorhis et al. (2013) and Nunez et al. (2015).

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  1. School of Education, University of California, Irvine, CA, USA

    George Farkas

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    Barbara Schneider

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Farkas, G. (2018). Family, Schooling, and Cultural Capital. In: Schneider, B. (eds) Handbook of the Sociology of Education in the 21st Century. Handbooks of Sociology and Social Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76694-2_1

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