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The Business of the Camps During the ‘Nomad Emergency’

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The ‘Camps System’ in Italy

Part of the book series: Mapping Global Racisms ((MGR))

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Abstract

This chapter looks at the role played by CSOs in the management of the ‘camps’ and at their interaction with local administrations. It reveals the existence of a pyramidal hierarchy with top-down relationships connecting upper-level positions to lower-level positions at several points, but with no bottom-up exchange. Public-sector inefficiency inevitably affects the Third Sector, especially the organisations that are most dependent on state funds. Over time, competition and antagonisms, corruption, inefficiencies, and a lack of transparency and accountability have contributed to the creation and consolidation of a complex system developed for the purposes of excluding the Romani peoples from Italian society. This chapter finds that national and local institutions and their sub-contracted agents have failed to promote the social inclusion of this minority group. Despite rhetoric emphasising inclusion, recent efforts have arguably further disempowered, discriminated against and excluded Romani individuals and communities. The recent Mafia Capitale investigation was therefore important for unveiling the existence of a lobby group which was living off the marginalised condition of the Romani people.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As stated by Daniele (2011), the activities implemented for the social inclusion of the Romani people represented one of the biggest items of expenditure for the municipality . Since 1991 Italian CSOs have been contracted to run a number of projects within the camps (chiefly the cleaning/maintenance of the camp areas and the schooling of Roma children). The fact that hundreds of workers are employed each year for the camp management and that the amount of the grant provided to the CSOs is about €3 million per year (only for the schooling activities) transformed the inclusion of the Romani people into a lucrative business. According to a recent study, the city council spent around €200 million over the last 12 years for running the camps (Mariani 2017).

  2. 2.

    One of the novelties introduced by Alemanno was the establishment of a direct communication channel with the Romani ‘leaders’ in the camps. However, Adzovic was not elected by the Romanies to represent them; he was chosen for reasons of political expediency.

  3. 3.

    The Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Republic are the two houses of the Italian bicameral system.

  4. 4.

    This grouping can be defined ‘pro-camps’ because, even if they all declare to be against the existence of ‘ghetto camps’ for Romani people, they also define them as part of a necessary transitory stage. They do not reject the camp as strategy and embrace it as an ‘emergency’ tool.

  5. 5.

    By November 2016, a slight decline could be recorded with 1679 pupils of Romani background enrolled across 182 educational institutes (Comune di Roma 2016b).

  6. 6.

    According to the most recent school regulation, it is acceptable to have two Romani students per class (Comune di Roma 2016b).

  7. 7.

    With the introduction of this law, which is entitled Framework legislation for the realisation of an integrated system of interventions and social services, voluntary organisations were recognised as official partners of local authorities for programming and implementing social assistance programmes. According to this law, the voluntary organisations registered in the regional registries can participate in calls for tenders issued by local authorities, becoming equal partners in case their application is successful. Consequently, they also receive funds to implement projects that will benefit their communities (European Commission n.d.).

  8. 8.

    Fondazione Romanì is a non-profit organisation founded by a Romani intellectual, Nazzareno Guarnieri , with the goal of enhancing the condition of Romanies in Italy. Although the main goal of the foundation has to do with Romani issues, Guarnieri has intentionally decided to open it to Romani and non-Romani membership. He proudly defined his foundation as a multicultural organisation.

  9. 9.

    The committee was composed of the following 11 Catholic organisations: Acli di Roma, Arciconfraternita del SS. Sacramento e San Trifone, Camminare Insieme, Caritas Diocesana di Roma, Centro Astalli, Centro Socio Educativo Interculturale San Giovanni Bosco, Compagnia delle Opere di Roma, Comunità della Riconciliazione, Gruppi del Volontariato Vincenziano, Gruppo Ercolini di Don Orione and Istituto di Medicina Solidale Onlus.

  10. 10.

    With the ordinance 102 signed by the current Mayor Virginia Raggi on July 4, 2017, this office has been named Ufficio Speciale Rom, Sinti e Caminanti (Special Office Rom, Sinti and Caminanti ; Comune di Roma 2017).

  11. 11.

    During the academic year 2016–2017 these were 321 (Comune di Roma 2016b).

  12. 12.

    In 2008, according to the ‘Terms of Contract Regarding the Schooling Project for Romani Children and Adolescents in the 3-Year Period 2008–2011’, this area was still classified as an ‘equipped camp’ (Comune di Roma 2008). Then, in 2011, the Social Town Plan 2011–2015 defined it as ‘non-equipped settlement’ (Comune di Roma 2011a).

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Armillei, R. (2018). The Business of the Camps During the ‘Nomad Emergency’. In: The ‘Camps System’ in Italy. Mapping Global Racisms. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76318-7_4

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76318-7_4

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

  • Print ISBN: 978-3-319-76317-0

  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-76318-7

  • eBook Packages: Social SciencesSocial Sciences (R0)

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