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Consilia and Dynastic Successions in Modern Europe

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Part of the book series: Studies in the History of Law and Justice ((SHLJ,volume 14))

Abstract

The production of consilia in the modern era was an important avenue for lawyers to take part, both as a class and as a group, in the practical and ideological construction of the ‘modern State’. Merchants, lords, and princes were often parties to litigation on business matters, contracts, properties, but even more frequently, on issues involving partition of huge estates amassed through marriages, dowries, and inheritances. When the protagonists of these family matters were rulers and sovereigns, these matters became, more or less explicitly, political and administrative issues, ending up intertwined. Already in the Low Middle Ages, Oldradus da Ponte lend his knowledge to prestigious clients, bringing him to occupy himself not simply with small domains but eventually with entire kingdoms as Maiorca or Aragon. Whereas in the 14th century this role was afforded only to a few highly authoritative professors, with the Modern Era, the link between legal consultancies and the building of the modern state became closer and more explicit. In the 16th century, in the modern ‘society of princes’, matters of marriage and succession within royal houses accompanied and determined public and international law systems. The Republic of Venice too, for delicate cases like dynastic successions (for instance about Gorizia), had recourse to the knowledge of ius commune jurists. Between the 16th and the 17th centuries, the doctores legum were more amply involved in many other cases of European relevance. The succession to the Portuguese throne and to the marquisate of Montferrat controversies, of the latter half of the 16th century, were veritable international intrigues. These complex and delicate affairs, like many others, provided the opportunity for professors hailing from various universities to intervene in defence of this or that pretender and to play a primary role in the conflict which involved virtually all the royal families of Europe.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The bibliography on this widely-debated theme is too vast to cover it exhaustively. For essential reading: Schiera, Pierangelo, and Rotelli, Ettore (eds.). 19761977. Lo stato moderno. 1. Dal medioevo all’età moderna; 2. Principi e ceti; 3. Accentramento e rivolte. Bologna: Il Mulino; Fioravanti, Maurizio (ed.). 2002. Lo stato moderno in Europa. Istituzioni e diritto. Bari-Roma: Laterza.

  2. 2.

    For a comprenhensive analysis of the role played by lawyers in the formation of modern States see for instance: Padoa Schioppa, Antonio (ed.). 1997. Legislation and Justice. Oxford: Clarendon Press. For a synthesis of the problems, with bibliographical references: Padoa Schioppa, Antonio. 2003. Italia ed Europa nella storia del diritto. Bologna: Il Mulino, 293–301.

  3. 3.

    Not even of the main currents in doctrine can there be an exhaustive bibliography. One may only make some essential references to the relationship between lawyers’ thinking and public institutions: e.g. Canning, Joseph. 1988. Law, Sovereignty and Corporation Theory, 1300–1450. In The Cambridge History of Medieval Political Thought c. 350c. 1450, 454–476. Cambridge: J.H. Burns; Vallejo, Jesús. 1992. Power Hierarchies in Medieval Juridical Thought. An essay in reinterpretation. Ius Commune. Zeitschrift für Europäische Rechtsgeschichte 19: 1–29; Pennington, Kenneth. 1993. The Prince and the Law, 12001600. Sovereignty and Rights in the Western Legal Tradition. Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford: University of California Press, with bibliography; Tarello, Giovanni. 1976. Storia della cultura giuridica moderna. I. Assolutismo e codificazione del diritto. Bologna: Il Mulino; Costa, Pietro. 2002. Iurisdictio. Semantica del potere politico nella pubblicistica medievale (11001433). Milano: Giuffrè; Quaglioni, Diego, and Dilcher, Gerhard. 2011. Gli inizi del diritto pubblico. 3. Verso la costruzione del diritto pubblico tra medioevo e modernità. Bologna-Berlin: Il Mulino-Duncker & Humblot.

  4. 4.

    On the tribunals too, particularly Supreme or central ones, and their role in case-law, I shall only list an essential bibliography: Gorla, Gino. 1981. Diritto comparato e diritto comune europeo. Milano: Giuffrè; Ascheri, Mario. 1989. Tribunali giuristi e istituzioni dal medioevo all’età moderna. Bologna: Il Mulino (new ed. 1995); Sbriccoli, Mario, and Bettoni, Antonella (eds.). 1993. Grandi tribunali e Rote nell’Italia di antico regime. Milano: Giuffrè; van Caenegem, Raoul. 1993. Judges, Legislators and professors: Chapters in European legal History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press (1st ed. 1987); Savelli, Rodolfo. 1994. Tribunali, “decisiones” e giuristi. In Chittolini, Giorgio, Mohlo, Anthony, and Schiera, Pierangelo (eds.), Origini dello Stato. Processi di formazione statale in Italia fra medioevo ed età moderna, 255–295. Bologna: Il Mulino; Bell, David A. 1994. Lawyers and Citizens. The Making of a Political Elite in Old Regime France. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

  5. 5.

    Ascheri, Mario. 1999. Le fonti e la flessibilità del diritto comune: il paradosso del consilium sapientis. In Ascheri, Mario, Baumgärtner, Ingrid, and Kirshner, Julius (eds.), Legal Consulting in the Civil Law Tradition, 11–53. Berkeley: University of California Press; Falk, Ulrich. 2006. Consilia. Studien zur Praxis des Rechtsgutachten in der frühen Neuzeit. Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann.

  6. 6.

    See Valsecchi, Chiara. 2000. Un’auctoritas del primo Trecento. Oldrado da Ponte e i suoi consilia. Milano: Giuffrè.

  7. 7.

    The lawyer repeatedly refers to the conflict between the Pope and the Emperor and to other political matters. Cf. Montagu, Gerald. 1994. Roman Law and the Emperor. The Rationale of ‘Written Reason’ in Some Consilia of Oldradus da Ponte. History of Political Thought 15: 1–55; Valsecchi 2000, 673–687.

  8. 8.

    This case is referred to in consilium 159. Da Ponte, Oldradus. 1570. Consilia seu responsa et quaestiones auree. Venetiis: apud Franciscum Zilettum, 65v–66r (Valsecchi 2000, 164 ff). About the Principality: Monti, Giovanni Maria. 1929. Dal secolo sesto al decimoquinto. Nuovi studi storico-giuridici. V. La condizione giuridica del Principato di Taranto. Bari: Tip. Cressati, 85–117.

  9. 9.

    The dispute was between the uncle and the grandson, son of the first born, in whose favour the king-judge decided at the end of the complicated judicial action. The collection of Da Ponte’s consilia in reality mentions all the interventions made by different defence lawyers and consultants for both sides: “Iste sunt allegationes facte in causa comitatus sancti severini super iure primogeniture et agebatur da causa dicta in civitate avenionensi coram inclito principe domino Roberto Hierusalem et cicilie rege assistentibus eidem aliquibus dominis cardinalibus solemnibus iure civilis doctis” (Da Ponte 1570, consilium 224, 96v–99v, incipit). “Et ita pro ista parte sententiatum fuit per dictum dominum regem Robertum excluso a dicta successione dicto domino Iac. in civitate avinione” (n. 42) (Valsecchi 2000, 647–664).

  10. 10.

    As we shall be seeing further on, numerous are the queens and princesses who act as active parties to controversies and who seek, both for themselves and their issue, vacant titles and offices. One finds useful observations and bibliographical references in Contini, Alessandra. 2005. Spazi femminili e costruzione di un’identità dinastica. Il caso di Leonora di Toledo duchessa di Firenze. In Dipper, Christof, and Rosa, Mario (eds.), La società dei principi nell’Europa moderna (secoli XVIXVII), 295–320. Bologna: Il Mulino, and in Calvi, Giulia, and Spinelli, Riccardo (eds.). 2008. Le donne Medici nel sistema europeo delle Corti. Atti del convegno internazionale (Firenze-San Domenico di Fiesole, 6–8 ottobre 2005) 1. Firenze: Edizioni Polistampa, particulary: Contini, Alessandra. 2008. Il ritorno delle donne nel sistema di corte: linguaggi, appartenenze dinastiche e formazione, 5–12; Spagnoletti, Angelantonio. 2008. Le donne nel sistema dinastico italiano, 13–34; Guerra Medici, Maria Teresa. 2008. Potere e poteri femminili tra fonti normative e prassi politica, 35–50, and Cotta, Irene. 2008. L’attesa dell’erede tra legittimazione personale ed esigenze dinastiche, 51–66.

  11. 11.

    Oldradus amply dealt with this case in the consilia 94 e 95 (Da Ponte 1570, consilia 94–95, 35v–38v). One finds in this text the circumstance in which the Pope had expressed himself in favour of Eleanor (cf. Valsecchi 2000, 160 f). On the facts and the people involved: Segura Graíño, Cristina. 1989. Derechos sucesorios al trono de las mujeres en la Corona de Aragón. Mayurca: revista del Departament de Ciències Històriques i Teoria de les Arts 22.2: 591–600; Salrach Marés, José Mª, and Espadaler, Anton. 1996. La Corona de Aragón: plenitud y crisis: de Pedro el Grande a Juan II (12761479). Madrid: Editorial Historia, 16; Salrach Marés, José Mª. 2002. La corona de Aragón. In Carrasco Perez, Juan, Salrach Marés, José Mª, Valdeón Baruque, Julio, and Viguera Molins, Maria Jesús (eds.), Historia de las Españas medievales, 305–344. Barcelona: Crítica.

  12. 12.

    Da Ponte 1570, consilium 231, 105v–106r. Cf. Valsecchi 2000, ad indicem.

  13. 13.

    Da Ponte 1570, consilium 231, n. 1, 105v. The two sovereigns had then reigned until 1311 and 1285 respectively. On these topics, see for instance Valdeón Baruque, Julio, Salrach Marés, José Mª, and Zabalo Zabalegui, Javier. 1989. Feudalismo y consolidación de los pueblos hispánicos (siglos XI–XV). In Tuñón de Lara, Manuel (ed.), Historia de España 4, 328–426. Barcelona: Editorial Labor S.A.; Salrach Marés 2002 (as n. 11) 305–344. An ample and up-to-date bibliography on the crown of Aragón can be found on http://www.artehistoria.com/v2/contextos/6292.htm.

  14. 14.

    Da Ponte 1570, consilium 231, n. 2, 105v: “nec enim dominus Jacobus rex maioricarum sine filiis decessit nec filii eius sine filiis cum unus ex filiis eius filios habebat”.

  15. 15.

    In Oldradus’ opinion too, one finds these obligations instituted in the same deed of partition which James I wanted, even though subsequently, the heirs had no longer demanded that it be observed (Da Ponte 1570, consilium 231, n. 4, 105v).

  16. 16.

    Valdeón Baruque, Salrach Marés, and Zabalo Zabalegui 1989, 332 f.

  17. 17.

    Cf. Cortese, Ennio, and Pennington, Kenneth. 2013. Pietro d’Ancarano. In Birocchi, Italo, Cortese, Ennio, Mattone, Antonello, and Miletti, Marco Nicola (eds.), Dizionario biografico dei giuristi italiani (XIIXX secolo) (hereafter DBGI) 2, 1578–1580. Bologna: Il Mulino.

  18. 18.

    Pietro d’Ancarano. 1568. Consilia sive iuris responsa. Venetiis: Apud Nicolaum Bevilaquam, consilium 339, 180–183.

  19. 19.

    For instance, Ancarano opined as follows: “nulli dubium quod vel ad dominam Yolantem vel Ferdinandum velut proximiorem devolveretur regnum … et per consequens non ad dictos agnatos iure agnationis, ut enim eleganter ait Oldradus”. Pietro d’Ancarano 1568, consilium 339, n. 6, 182 (see also n. 8).

  20. 20.

    For a synthetic reconstruction, in addition to the bibliography above-cited, Canellas López, Ángel. 1955. El reino de Aragón en los años 14101458. Excma: Diputación Provincial de Baleares; Canellas López, Ángel, Suárez Fernández, Luis, and Vicens Vives, Jaime. 1964. Los Trastámara de Castilla y Aragón en el siglo XV. Juan II y Enrique IV de Castilla (14071474). El compromiso de Caspe, Fernando I, Alfonso V y Juan II de Aragón (14101479). Madrid: Espasa-Calpe.

  21. 21.

    Balaguer, Victor. 1862. Historia de Cataluña y de la corona de Aragon 3. Barcelona: Librería de Salvador Manero, 607, tell that “reunido immediatamente el parlamento para tratar de la election de nuevo rey, y queriéndolo de la sandre real de Aragon, decidióse en 30 de julio ofrecer la corona à Renato de Anjou conde de Provenza”.

  22. 22.

    On this definition and its implications see, for instance, Bély, Lucien. 1999. La société des princes: XVIeXVIIIe siècle. Paris: Fayard; Bély, Lucien. 2005. La società dei principi. In Dipper, Christof, and Rosa, Mario (eds.), La società dei principi nell’Europa moderna (secoli XVIXVII), 13–44. Bologna: Il Mulino. For a syntetic picture also Koenigsberger, Helmut G. 2014. Early Modern Europe. 15001789. London: Routledge (first ed. 1987. London: Longman), and Koenigsberger, Helmut G., Mosse, George L., and Bowler, Gerard R. 2014. Europe in the Sixteenth Century. New York: Routledge (first ed. 1968. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston; Italian ed. L’Europa del Cinquecento, trans. by M.T. Grendi. Bari: Laterza).

  23. 23.

    Guerra Medici, Maria Teresa. 2004. Le origini dello stato moderno tra res familiaris e res publica. Diritto@storia 3 (http://www.dirittoestoria.it/3/Memorie/Organizzare-ordinamento/Guerra-Medici-Origini-Stato-moderno.htm, accessed 6 April 2016), even for a further bibliography.

  24. 24.

    Bély 2005, 19.

  25. 25.

    On this subject see Bonney, Richard. 1992. The European Dynastic States, 14941660. Oxford: Oxford University Press; Reinhard, Wolfgang. 1996. Power Elites, State Servants, Ruling Classes, and the Growth of State Power. In Reinhard, Wolfgang (ed.), Power Elites and State Building, 1–19. European Science Foundation: Clarendon Press, 6–9; Spagnoletti, Angelantonio. 2003. Le dinastie italiane nella prima età moderna. Bologna: Il Mulino.

  26. 26.

    Bély 2005, 22–23. The author tackles the Spanish succession in a wider fashion (26f).

  27. 27.

    Even “events as the Flemish war or the Invicible Armada have been considered episodes of the struggle between Protestants and Catholics … neverthless, the heart of the matter has been treated only marginally; I refer to the dynastic issue”: Rivero Rodríguez, Mauro. 2016. La guerra del Monferrato e i principi d’Italia. Il nuovo modello dinastico nella politica della Monarchia cattolica. In Merlin, Pierpaolo, and Ieva, Frédéric (eds.), Monferrato 1613. La vigilia di una crisi europea, 47–63. Roma: Viella, 48.

  28. 28.

    The author chose an evocative image: the law ‘hunts’ for the testator’s volition as the hunter seeks the rabbit’s trail among the thousand obstacles of the underwood: “lex ipsa—he writes—non secus, ac venator leporis, vestigia semper sequitur voluntatis testatoris; et infinita propemodum extant gravissimorum Iurisconsultorum responsa, et quotidie magis increscunt, quae multiplices ultimarum voluntatum sensus coniecturis conantur assequi miris modis; neque quisquam Iurisconsultus dici iure potest, qui defunctorum ambiguas voluntates nesciat interpretari” (Mantica, Francesco. 1580. De ultimarum voluntatum libri duodecim. Venetiis: Ex officina Damiani Zenari, proemium, 1).

  29. 29.

    A truckload of works which, despite the various titles and denominations, can be categorised as advice ‘on matters of the throne’, is offered by Oscar Scalvanti. Cf. Scalvanti, Oscar. 1912. I “consilia” della Facoltà Giuridica di Perugia nei secoli XVI e XVII 1. Perugia: Tipografia Guerriero Guerra, 12, footnote 1.

  30. 30.

    For these aspects of the Venetian juridical system, we limit ourselves to referring to Zordan, Giorgio. 2005. L’ordinamento giuridico veneziano (2nd revised edition). Padova: Imprimitur, 182–189. Gasparini, Silvia. 2014. Pax tibi Marce. Venice: government, law, jurisprudence. Venezia: istituzioni, diritto, giurisprudenza http://www.arielcaliban.org/paxtibimarce.htm.

  31. 31.

    The venetian consultore has been amply studied. The biographies and thought of some well-known members of this group have been written about (in particular Paolo Sarpi). We are here referring only to some essential elements: Barzazi, Antonella. 1986. I Consultori in iure. In Storia della cultura veneta. 5. Il Settecento 2, 179–199. Vicenza: Neri Pozza; about the consultore Gasparo Lonigo see also Barzazi, Antonella. 1985. Consultori in iure e feudalità nella prima metà del Seicento: l’opera di Gasparo Lonigo. In Cozzi, Gaetano (ed.), Stato società e giustizia nella Repubblica veneta (sec. XVXVIII) 2, 221–251, Roma: Jouvence.

  32. 32.

    The Gorizian count was actually forced to pledge his oath of vassal to the Venetian Senate already in 1424. See Cusin, Fabio. 1937. Il confine orientale d’Italia nella politica europea del XIV e XV secolo. Milano: Giuffrè; Venuti, Gino. 1956. La lenta agonia della Contea di Gorizia. Studi goriziani 19: 57–106; Leicht, Pier Silverio. 1956. I Conti di Gorizia e la formazione del Comune Goriziano. In Gorizia nel Medioevo. Miscellanea di studi storici in occasione del quinto centenario della concessione dei diritti civili a Gorizia. Studi Goriziani 20. Secondo supplemento: 9–22; Ferrari, Giorgio. 1956. I codici di privilegi contra comitem Goricie nell’archivio dei Consultori della Repubblica Veneta. In Gorizia nel Medioevo. Miscellanea di studi storici in occasione del quinto centenario della concessione dei diritti civili a Gorizia. Studi Goriziani 20. Secondo supplemento: 147–148; Zamperetti, Sergio. 1991. I piccoli principi. Signorie locali, feudi e comunità soggette nello Stato regionale veneto dall’espansione territoriale ai primi decenni del ‘600. Treviso-Venezia: Fondazione Benetton Studi e Ricerche. Il Cardo, 210–211; Wakouning, Marija. 2004. Una duplice dipendenza. I conti di Gorizia, Venezia e il Sacro Romano Impero (1350–1500). In Cavazza, Silvano (ed.), Da Ottone III a Massimiliano I: Gorizia e i conti di Gorizia nel Medioevo, 339–364. Mariano del Friuli: Edizioni della Laguna, 347–348.

  33. 33.

    Ferrari 1956, 125–150. These Codes of Privileges are held in ASV, Consultori in iure, 366/1–6. An example is the trial about Gradisca (1486). Recent research (Fameli, Enrico. 2016. Latisana. Vicende giuridiche di un feudo nell’ordinamento veneziano. Doctoral thesis in Law [29th cycle] University of Padova) has shown that the consultores wrote widely in that year (about 20 papers) on the subject of the legal foundations of the Gorizian claims on those lands.

  34. 34.

    The first agreement of reciprocal succession should one of the two families go extinct went back to 1361. It was signed on the occasion of the wedding of Catherine of Gorizia and Leopold of Habsburg. Though this first agreement was nullified by the annulment of the wedding, similar agreements were later renewed several times (Venuti 1956, 63; Seneca, Sofia. 1960. Venezia e Massimiliano in lotta per Gorizia. Studi Goriziani 28: 52–53). In 1497, when finally Leonard reaches an agreement with Maximilian I to exchange his possessions in Friuli for lands on the other side of the Alps, the conflict with the Most Serence Republic became an open one (de Teuffenbach, Albino. 1900. Sunto storico della Contea principesca di Gorizia e Gradisca fino alla sua unione con la casa d’Absburgo nell’anno 1500. Innsbruck: Libreria Accademica Wagneriana, 35–36 and 41–43); Fameli 2016.

  35. 35.

    The long diplomatic itinerary was closed only in the 18th century. Seneca 1960, 87–110; Battistella, Antonio. 1913. I prodromi della spartizione del patriarcato di Aquileia negli ultimi anni del secolo XVI. Memorie Storiche Forogiuliesi 9: 41. Fameli 2016.

  36. 36.

    The Habsburgs also wanted an extensive interpretation of the treaty’s clauses which, also for this reason, was repeatedly reviewed and amplified. de Teuffenbach 1900, 45. Cf. Fameli 2016.

  37. 37.

    It established that all places specifically mentioned in the treaty should be returned to the ‘Caesarian Majesty’, where the others, when not expressly judicially assigned to the Emperor, should remain to Venice: “cetera loca et villa in Foro Julii expresse non adiudicata Caesari sint et remaneat dominii Venetiarum”. ASV, Consultori in Jure, 30, 6r ff. Cf. Fameli 2016.

  38. 38.

    Lonigo writes: “general peace was achieved in Bologna in 1529 (…) with regard to princely matters, whereas those among private individuals were settled, through the services of Caesarian and Venetian commissioners, in 1535 by means of a solemn sentence delivered in Trent” in June, ASV, Consultori in Jure, 61, 278r–280v; see also Morelli, Carlo. 1773. Del saggio storico della Contea di Gorizia. Gorizia: Dalla stamperia del Ces. Reg. governo, 62–69. de Teuffenbach 1900, 45. Fameli 2016.

  39. 39.

    Morelli 1773, 69; Barozzi, Nicolò. 1858. Latisana e il suo distretto: notizie storiche, statistiche ed industriali. Venezia: Tipografia del commercio, 23–24.

  40. 40.

    Zamperetti, Sergio. 1989. Autorità statale, poteri signorili e comunità soggette nello Stato regionale veneto del ‘700: il caso di Latisana. In Berlinguer, Luigi, and Colao, Floriana (eds.), Crimine, giustizia e società veneta in età moderna, 165–184. Milano: Giuffrè.

  41. 41.

    According to Gaspar Lonigo, the confines had been changed between the two territories (possibly because of the overflowing of the Tagliamento river) and were therefore unclear, creating a lot of confusion: “with regard to said confines, over time many disputes appeared, both verbal and physical, between the subjects of the Latisana and Precenicco which required, for their resolution, the supreme authority of the Emperor and the Most Serene Republic, to elect commissioners who could draw up the confines in such a way that each party could stay within its own confines”. ASV, Consultori in Jure, 61, 278r–280v. Cf. Fameli 2016.

  42. 42.

    ASV, Consultori in Jure, 61, 278r–280v. Fameli 2016.

  43. 43.

    The woman acted as relict of Francesco Lando and tutor to her son, who, however, descended from the Vendramins only through the female line (Fameli 2016).

  44. 44.

    The pronouncement of Trent had decreed that the Vendramins were to retain possession of larger territories, whereas the line created by the new agreements, according to Lonigo, “restricted by a large degree the said confines at the expense not only of the possessors of Latisana but also of the fief, with particular cost to the Republica which was its owner”, ASV, Consultori in Jure, 61, 278r–280v. Fameli 2016.

  45. 45.

    Covering events spreading over more than a century, the lawyer pieced together in great detail the various passages, related to both families and politics, to demonstrate that the fief of Latisana had also been under the direct dominion of the Most Serene Republic and that every convention which reduced the size of the fief had to be deemed as illegitimate. According to Lonigo, the feudal lords did not have the authority to transact assets belonging to the Republic, since they were not absolute owners but merely holding the dominium utile: “behaving otherwise would be a sort of felony, worthy of the removal of the fief and even more so when done with foreigners” ASV, Consultori in Jure, 61, 278r–280v. Fameli 2016.

  46. 46.

    There had already been disputes on the throne of Portugal, since the 13th century: in 1248, when Sancho II died issueless, and then in 1385, when there was a dynastic change, and again in 1495 when, as happened a century later, John II was succeeded by his cousin Manuel I, not without legal doubts, as shall be noted further on. Cf. Scalvanti 1912, 21.

  47. 47.

    Not too long later, the genoese Conestaggio gave an interesting reading of the facts, noting the character and ‘moods’ of the Portuguese people: Conestaggio, Ieronimo. 1642. Dell’unione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia. Istoria. Firenze: stamperia di Amadore Matti e Lorenzo Landi. Book III (67ff) was dedicated to the genealogy and pretenders to the throne of Henry. On this work, on the author, and on his importance as a ‘propagandist’, see Casas Nadal, Monserrat. 2007. Sobre la difusión de “L’unione del regno di Portogallo alla corona di Castiglia” de Conestaggio (1585) con la edición de una versión manuscita desconocida del prólogo a la segunda edición (1589). Epos 23: 197–220.

  48. 48.

    On this decision and what happened behind the scenes, Ieronimo Conestaggio expressed himself quite critically. Conestaggio 1642, 87–88. He then accurately narrated the events related to diplomatic channels and the hearings held by the Council after having cited all the pretenders, see 93f.

  49. 49.

    As we shall be seeing, the majority of the opinions and interventions meant to demonstrate Philip’s rights on Portugall were drawn up while Henry was still alive, but already contemplating his succession. As Conestaggio eloquently observed, “to see Arrigo crowned at such an old age and without heir worried all princes, who were concerned that the succession of this kingdom might disturb the public peace” (Conestaggio 1642, 67). Cf. Scalvanti 1912, 13f. Indications on the dynastic crisis of 1579–1580 can be found in: Danvila y Burguero, Alfonso. 1956. Felipe II y la sucesión de Portugal. Madrid: Espasa-Calpe; Verissimo Serrâo, Joaquim. 1959. Fontes de Direito para a Historia da successâo de Portugal. Boletim da Facultate de Direito da Universidad da Coimbra 25: 92–229; Verissimo Serrâo, Joaquim. 1996. Portugal e a Monarchia Hispânica: causas proximas e remotas da uniâo ibérica em 1580. In Ruiz Martín, Felipe (ed.), La proyección europea de la Monarquía hispánica, 25–38. Madrid: Editorial Complutense; futher bibliography in: Bertini, Giuseppe (ed.). 2001. Maria di Portogallo sposa di Alessandro Farnese: principessa di Parma e Piacenza dal 1565 al 1577. Atti della giornata di studio (Parma, 25 settembre 1999). Parma: Ducati, 225, and in Saraiva, Josè Hermano. 2004. História concisa de Portugal. Publicações Europa-America, Portugal. Italian ed. 2007. Storia del Portogallo. Trans. by P. Sacco. Milano: Bruno Mondadori, 143–146.

  50. 50.

    About 20 texts are cited by Scalvanti 1912, 32–34. Cf. anche Lipen, Martin. 1720. Bibliotheca realis juridica. Francofurti-Lipsiae: Birckneri, 432. Many others in Verissimo Serrâo, Joaquim. 1958. Os juristas de França e a crise dinástica Portuguesa de 1580. Coimbra: Coimbra editora; Verissimo Serrâo 1959, 92–229. See also Bouza, Fernando. 2008. Papeles y Opinión. Políticas de publicatión en el siglo de oro. Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 131ff.

  51. 51.

    Legal historiography has long ago studied the contiguity, and at times the confusion, at the moment of the publication and of the collection, among consilia, allegationes, quaestiones. See Ascheri’s observations on the matter: Ascheri, Mario. 1982. I consilia dei giuristi medievali. Per un repertorio-incipitario computerizzato. Siena: Il leccio; Ascheri 1989; Ascheri, Mario. 1990. The formation of the Consilia collection of Bartolus of Saxoferrato and some of his autographs. In Mayali, Laurent, and Tibbetts, Stephanie A.J. (eds.), The Two Laws, Studies in Medieval Legal History dedicated to Stephan Kuttner, 188–201. Washington D.C.: The Catholic University of America Press; Ascheri 1999.

  52. 52.

    The nullity of the second marriage was self-evident, as it was celebrated while the first wife was still alive, so much so that it brought about the Pope’s excommunication (cf. De Pina, Rui. 1907. Chronica de el rei d. Affonso III. Lisboa: Escriptorio, 19–20, and Conestaggio 1642, 70–71).

  53. 53.

    Cf. Conestaggio 1642, 71–72. Scalvanti 1912, 24–28.

  54. 54.

    Gentili, Alberico. 1598. De iure belli libri tres. Hanoviae: Excudebat Guilielmus Antonius, 22–34 (Italian ed. Gentili, Alberico. 2008. Il diritto di guerra (De iure belli libri III, 1598), introd. Diego Quaglioni, trans. Pietro Nencini, notes Giuliano Marchetto and Christian Zendri. Milano: Giuffrè; English ed. Gentili, Alberico. 1933 (repr. 1995). Three Books on the Law of War, trans. John Carew Rolfe. Buffalo: W.S. Hein). The excerpt which interests us is found in book I, chapter III. Principes bellum gerunt. There is a vast bibliography on the author and this work which it is impossible to refer to in a complete fashion. For those aspect which are more interesting, reference is made to recent studies such as Storti, Claudia. 2010. Foedus, amicitia e societas: Alberico Gentili tra tradizione e innovazione. In Alberico Gentili (San Ginesio 1552Londra 1608). Atti dei Convegni nel quarto centenario della morte 2, 335–376. Milano: Giuffrè, 371–372; Cassi, Aldo Andrea. 2012. Alle origini del diritto internazionale: Alberico Gentili. In Enciclopedia italiana. Il contributo italiano alla storia del pensiero. Ottava appendice. Diritto, 181–188. Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana.

  55. 55.

    Gentili 1598, 25: “Cur Philippus Hispaniarum rex de iure suo in regno Lusitaniae noluit iudicio cum eorum ullo contendere debant ius esse potius?”.

  56. 56.

    Gentili wrote in decidedly harsh tone that “Ridicula est disceptatio in illa historia, de Iurisconsultis non adeundis in huiusmodi Principum quaestionibus quia iure gentium istae, non subtilitatibus et fictionibus iuris Iustinianei civilis, regenda sint. Hoc sit ius nuper ab imperatoribus conditum litibus privatorum. Periti antiquitatum viri, qui supra vulgum sunt leguleiorum, ita censuerint in ea quaestione successionis regni Lusitanici, quod de repraesentatione parentum dicebatur aut pro Farnesio, aut pro aliis contra Philippum, id esset ab inventis Iustiniani atque adeo non posset has hodie finire controversias, cum easdem finire antea non potuisset quando nec erat. Ut sic in historia disputant Philippici. Caeterum ridicule; ut modo dixi” (ivi).

  57. 57.

    Conestaggio openly writesthat at the beginning in Castille nobody had thought that Philip would aspire to the throne, but that it was the Portuguese laws on succession, analysed by lawyers, which convinced him that he had the law on his side. This happened “because having in his own kingdoms, as in Portugal, and other parts, ordered che the experts should diligently investigate who in the eyes of the law was the real heir of these kingdoms, he began to learn that he would succeed to them after Arrigo. And not only did he find that this was the general opinion of the doctores but among them, even the Portuguese claimed that the King had precedence on the Cardinal”: Conestaggio 1642, 75.

  58. 58.

    Narrating the inquiry which took place in Lisbon, Conestaggio writes that “there was courageous support for Ranuccio Farnese’s sideand the doctores of the University of Padua had written in his favour”. He then summarises synthetically the principal arguments of the consilium (Conestaggio 1642).

  59. 59.

    On this consultation, which has not been published so far and which is held at the old Archives of the University of Padua (vol. 205, 500–523), Roberti, Melchiorre. 1903. Il collegio padovano dei dottori giuristi. I suoi consulti del secolo XVI. Le sue tendenze. Rivista italiana per le scienze giuridiche 25: 171–249, 203–205. See also: Rossetti, Lucia. 1979. L’archivio antico dell’università di Padova. In Semenzato, Camillo (ed.), L’Università di Padova. Il palazzo del Bo. Arte e storia, 153–176. Trieste-Padova: Lint, 167.

  60. 60.

    The text was published in part in Scalvanti 1912 (as n. 29) 55–108. About the consiliatores see Giuliani, Adolfo. 2013. Eugeni, Marco Antonio. In DBGI 1, 808; Sinisi, Lorenzo. 2013. Lancellotti, Giovanni Paolo. In DBGI 1, 1142–1143; Giuliani, Adolfo. 2013. Ridolfini, Rinaldo. In DBGI 2, 1691–1692.

  61. 61.

    The positions of Emmanuel Philibert, António of Crato and the others were not taken into consideration, even if the reasons for this choice do not transpire (Scalvanti 1912 [as n. 29] 38, does not exclude the hypothesis that the professors of Perugia ignored the existence of the other pretenders, or else that the requests of these other pretenders were so weak that confutation was not necessary).

  62. 62.

    Scalvanti 1912, 38–39.

  63. 63.

    The lawyers from Perugia obviously wanted to demonstrate that, in the case of Portugal, ancient traditional rules laid down that should there be no male heirs, then females could inherit. With regard to primogeniture, the principle was that, contrary to the ius commune, a restrictive interpretation was required and primogeniture could not be extended to another person or from one degree to another. Once direct descendance went exinct, the successor was therefore to be sought according to the criterion of proximity of relatedness, in accordance with the ius commune (Scalvanti 1912, 44 f).

  64. 64.

    Scalvanti 1912, 46–54.

  65. 65.

    “Exclusus igitur apparet rex Philippus quia mortuo Emanuele patre Isabellae Joannis Ludovici Henrici moderni regis et Odoardi, avi materni Raynutii Farnesii, cum d. Isabella mater regis Philippi reperiretur primogenita, primogenitura facti et naturae et temporis, et propterea hoc respectu videretur admittenda, fuit tamen exclusa a Joanne fratre secundogenito feminarum, procedit etiam iure communi in allodialibus” (Scalvanti 1912, 70).

  66. 66.

    Scalvanti 1912, 79.

  67. 67.

    Scalvanti 1912, 82 ff.

  68. 68.

    “Masculi praeponuntur feminis ratione maioris idoneitatis, puta ad regendum alios et gubernandum, ut in casu nostro, non autem ratione conservandae agnationis” (Scalvanti 1912, 86). Lawyers dealt with “foeminarum subiectio” in much detail, according to a widespread stereotype, arguing that the male-female hierarchy was sanctioned by natural, divine, and civil law (91 f).

  69. 69.

    Morelli, Giovanna. 2014. “Ne tacenda loquatur et dicenda conticeat”. I consilia dei collegi legali bolognesi del XVI–XVIII secolo. In Maffei, Paola, and Varanini, Gian Maria (eds.), Honos alit artes. Studi per il settantesimo compleanno di Mario Ascheri. La formazione del diritto comune. Giuristi e diritti in Europa (secoli XIIXVIII), 109–117. Firenze: Firenze University Press, 116.

  70. 70.

    Conestaggio referred to the episode in which Catherine of Braganza, emboldened by the favour shown her by King Henry himself, asked the University of Coimbra to draw up in her favour a “long and curious allegatio”. The doctores of the ancient Portuguese university, according to Conestaggio, “thinking they would be pleasing the King, treated this with all the possible diligence”. He summarised the contents, and concluded by says that these allegationes were printed and sent to the Pope and to “all the Princes of Christendom” (Conestaggio 1642, 86, and 94–95).

  71. 71.

    The “junta” comprised illustrious members of the clergy, such as the archbishop of Toledo Cardinale Quiroga and King Diego de Chaves’ confessor, and lawyers such as the presidents Antonio Mauricio de Pazos, Antonio Padilla y Meneses, members of the Council of States, among whom Luis Molina, the ambassador in Portugal, etc. Rodríguez Gil, Magdalena. 2002. La “incorporación” de reinos. Notas y textos doctrinales del Derecho Común. Cáceres: Universidad de Extremadura, 63 ff with bibliography.

  72. 72.

    A long list of names and works can be found in Rodríguez Gil 2002, 69–70. Cf. also Scalvanti 1912, 32–33. However, Oscar Scalvanti erroneously cites the theologian and mathematician Juan Caramuel y Lobkovitz, who lived and worked in the next century and was the author of a large work which upheld Philip the Fourth’s right to succeed to the Portuguese crown, which was then reproposed, many years later, in a suit dealing with the same subject-matter.

  73. 73.

    Historiography underlines the skill with which the King of Spain managed to obtain the favour and support also of the most well-known Portuguese lawyers, such as Enrique Simôes and Paulo Alfonso (Danvila y Burguero 1956, 47–48; Rodríguez Gil 2002, 70).

  74. 74.

    de Aguirre, Miguel. 1591. Responsum de successione regni Portugalliae pro Philippo Hispaniarum rege Principum omnium potentissimo adversus Bononiensium, Patavinorum et Perusinorum Collegia. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Zilettum.

  75. 75.

    Though not present on the frontispice, the title Apologia de successione regni Portugaliae pro Philippo Hispaniarum rege appeared in the 1591 edition, following the description of the facts and the index, at the very opening of the treatise, 4v.

  76. 76.

    Alongside Dino, Bartolo, Baldo, Paolo di Castro, there are Tiraqueu, Andrea d’Isernia, Matteo d’Afflitto and others. A great number of consiliatores, from Oldrado da Ponte, (his consilium 94 seemed to have become a benchmark), to Francesco Aretino, Alessandro Tartagni, Raffaele Fulgosio e Raffaele Raimondi, Giasone del Maino, Mariano Socini, and to Carlo Ruini, Pier Filippo della Corgna, Aymone Cravetta. As is usually the case when there is such a degree of complexity, Greek and Latin philosophy and literature had to be invoked, many passages being cited and transcribed directly in Greek: Homer, Pindarus, Sofocles, Euripides, Plautus and Terence, Horatio and Ovidius, etc.). The Holy Scriptures and the Fathers of the Church too were invoked.

  77. 77.

    de Aguirre 1591, 4v–26r. In particular, the reaction from Bologna was defined as “improbabile” and “contemnendum” (n. 6, 5r; n. 31, 8v). Declaraing that he could not contain himself, Aguirre added that the responsum was “ridiculum” and “absurdum”.

  78. 78.

    de Aguirre 1591, 26r–71. In the second part too, the attacks on the arguments used by the lawyers of Padua, Bologna and Perugia were often carried out with a particularly vehement tone. For instance, at n. 161, 45v: “quo fit illud Bononiensis collegii, et Patavinorum fundamentum (quod semper quidem in eorum ore) mimime verum esse”; at n. 169, 47v: “quidquid incaute Bononienses dixerint” and so on.

  79. 79.

    This section is divided only into 116 paragraphs (de Aguirre 1591, 71–91).

  80. 80.

    “Quarta pars Apologiae in qua Antonium quoque repellendum fore non paucis rationibus ostenditur”. To achieve his aim, 81 paragraphs were enough. The these last past, Spanish doctrine acquire more importance: Gregorio Lopez, Antonio Gomes, Luis Molina, and above all the treatise De ultimo fine iuris canonici et civilis of Fortunio Garcia, “disertissimus auctor, natura peracutus, et gravissimus in omni sapientia” (de Aguirre 1591, 92–107).

  81. 81.

    The text, drawn while King Henry was still alive, in 1579, was published a few years later by Annibale’s son, Tommaso. In the letter of dedication, Tommaso described the book as ‘allegatio’. The heir added another consultation, written by his father in favour of Isabel, Philip the Second’s first born, to vindicate her rights on the duchies of Aquitaine, Brittany, and Normandy, and added his own points to them: Moles, Annibale. 1608. Responsa de legitima successione in Portugaliae Regno, pro Rege Catholico et de successione Ducatus Brittanniae pro Serenissima Infanta. Neapoli: Apud Ioannem Iacobum Carlinum et Constantinum Vitalem. See Miletti, Marco Nicola. 2011. Moles, Annibale. In Dizionario biografico degli italiani (hereafter DBI) 75, 323–328. Roma: Istituto dell’Enciclopedia Italiana.

  82. 82.

    The “laudes Regis nostri Philippi Catholici”, which close the writing, were eloquent about this (Moles 1608, n. 67, 22v.

  83. 83.

    Miletti 2011, 325.

  84. 84.

    It described with precision the controversy for the succession in the Kingdom of Naples, which took place at the beginning of the 14th century and was resolved when the Pope intervened. It corrected Balbo who attributed the pronouncement to Boniface VIII when, since it took place in 1309, the Pope was by then Clement V (Moles 1608, n. 26, 9v–10r). Analogously, it refered to the succession of Martin I of Aragon, on which Pietro d’Ancarano had expressed his opinion which Moles expressly cited (Moles 1608, n. 63, 21rv).

  85. 85.

    Luis Molina y Morales is not to be confused with the more renowned Jesuit of the same name. He graduated at Salamanca and occupied various posts, such as judge and court official in Madrid. His allegatio has been analysed and transcribed by Rodríguez Gil 2002, 85–245. It is cited, again as allegatio and with the same title of the writing abovementioned, also by Agostino Barbosa (cf. Barbosa, Agostino. 1651. Appellativa verborum utriusque iuris significatione. In Tractatus varii. Lugduni: Philippi Borde, Laurentii Arnaud et Claudii Rigaud, appellatio 141, 251). For brief information about the man and his work: Barrientos Grandon, Javier. 2012. Luis de Molina y Morales (c. 1520–1581) y el “Código Civil de Chile”. Revista de Derecho de la Pontificia Universidad Católica de Valparaíso 39: 535–543 (http://dx.doi.org/10.4067/S0718-68512012000200019).

  86. 86.

    Pérez Pastor, Cristóbal. 1891. Bibliografía madrileña: ó Descripción de las obras impresas en Madrid (siglo XVI) I. Madrid: Tipografía de los Huérfanos, 65–66. The scheme is entitled Progenies Regum Portugallice Emmanuelis et Marice ipsius conjugis (393).

  87. 87.

    The role played by Luis Molina during the controversy was made explicit even in the title page of his De Hispaniorum progenitorum origine, in which he is identified as “Iurisconsulto hispano, in summo regnorum Castellae senatu, gratia et iustitia consiliario, ac Philippi II Invictissimi et Potentissimi Regis legato pro Regni Portugalliae successione” (Molina, Luis. 1588. De Hispaniorum progenitorum origine ac natura libri quatuor. Coloniae: Expensis Ioannis Baptistae Ciotti Senensis).

  88. 88.

    In his precise description of the exemplar which he had the opportunity to examine, Cristóbal Pérez Pastor mentioned the report delivered to the sovereign by the President of the Council of the Orders Antonio de Padilla on the succession controversy. Having informed the King about the circulaction of writings defending Farnese, he suggested that the allegationes prepared by Molina should be published, but in secret so as to forearm and inform the members of the Royal Council. The consent to publish and the relative precise instructions were their placed “Al margen de mano del Rey” (Pérez Pastor 1891, 66).

  89. 89.

    Published in an elegant 52-page volume, it was entitled Iuris allegatio pro Rege Catholico Philippo, ad successionem Regnorum Portugaliae. 1579. Matriti: Alonso Gómez.

  90. 90.

    This is what transpired from Padilla’s abovementioned letter (footnote 88). If one considers that they were drawn up in a very delicate moment, when King Henry was still alive, then one is not surprised by the caution exercised by the Spanish Court and Philipp II himself. It was actually quite logical.

  91. 91.

    “Como estos impresos se guardaron con tanto secreto, según indica el Presidente Padilla en la carta antes citada, y como después no hubo necesidad de repartirlos, especialmente en Portugal, por haberse reincorporado este reino á Castilla más bien que por una guerra de conquista, por un paseo militar, y como después se mandaron á Simancas los restantes, nada tiene de extraño que los Bibliógrafos no conociesen dichos impresos, hasta el punto de que Nic. Antonio, hablando del Dr. Luis de Molina, diga que escribió una Alegación acerca de la sucesión del reino de Portugal, M.S. alicubi latet” (Pérez Pastor 1891, 403; cf. Antonio, Nicolás. 1788. Bibliotheca Hispana Nova sive Hispanorum scriptorum qui ab anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV floruere notitia II. Matriti: apud Joachimun de Ibarra Typographum regium, 52–53).

  92. 92.

    Among recent studies, Martim de Albuquerque tends toward the attribution to Alvarez Ribera (de Albuquerque, Martim. 1974. Anotações bibliográficas sobre a sucessão do Cardeal Dom Henrique. Portugaliae Historica 2: 316), whereas Magdalena Rodríguez Gil attributes it with certaintly to Molina, also on the basis of the original manuscript, signed by the author, of which he offers a transcription (Rodríguez Gil 2002, 71).

  93. 93.

    Following his legal studies at Salamanca, he held various offices in Italy and for many years was the President of Naples’ Regia Camera della Sommaria (Antonio, Nicolás. 1783. Bibliotheca Hispana Nova sive Hispanorum scriptorum qui ab anno MD ad MDCLXXXIV floruere notitia I. Matriti: apud Joachimun de Ibarra Typographum regium, 399).

  94. 94.

    For details on this point see infra footnote 204 and text.

  95. 95.

    Alvarez de Ribera, Francisco. 1620. Pro serenissima infanta d. Elisabeth Philippi Hispaniarum Regi filia Responsum de successione Ducatus Britanniae. De successione regni Portugalliae responsum. Matriti: apud Ludovicum Sanctium.

  96. 96.

    This is Cristóbal Pérez Pastor’s hypothesis which, all said and done, is quite logical, namely that in the addition to his descriptive work he writes: “El Marqués de Belmonte, D. Carlos de Tapia, no conoció la impresa ni la manuscrita, pues en 1621 publicó en Madrid dos Alegaciones de Francisco Alvarez Ribera, de las cuales la primera es la misma del Doctor Molina, de que vamos hablando, sin más variación que unas pocas palabras en las cien hojas, poco más ó menos, que comprende. Parece indudable que el Regente Alvarez Ribera, al hacer la Información acerca de la sucesión del Ducado de Bretaña en favor de la Infanta Doña Isabel Clara Eugenia, que es la segunda que contiene su obra postuma, publicada por Tapia, tuvo á la vista una copia de la información del Doctor Molina, y después de su muerte el Regente Tapia encontró juntos estos dos manuscritos, y sin más antecedentes publicó ambos como de Francisco Alvarez Ribera, siendo probable que de éste sean únicamente las poquísimas palabras, en que ambos impresos difieren” (Pérez Pastor 1891, I, 403).

  97. 97.

    Additiones domini Regenti Caroli Tapia. In Alvarez de Ribera 1620 (as n. 95). Cf. Antonio 1783, 233.

  98. 98.

    According to the oldest accounts, two texts were printed in 1579 which had a similar theme: Informaciones en derecho cerca de la sucesion en el regno de Portugal por la Magestad del rey Don Phelippe Nuestro señor and Informaciones en derecho cerca de la sucesion al Cardenal Don Henrrique en el regno de Portugal por el rey Don Phelippe n. s. They probably collect many other work, reviewed and updated by order of Philip II. See Pérez Pastor 1891, I, 392–393.

  99. 99.

    Another author who also wrote pro Philippo was Juan Beltran de Guevara. Having graduated in utroque at Salamanca in 1571, he was then appointed bishop of Mazara del Vallo and other ecclesiastical sees as well as State councillor (Beltrán de Heredia, Vicente. 1972. Cartulario de la Universidad de Salamanca. La Universidad en el siglo de oro 4. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 275–276; Rodríguez, Luis E., and Bezares, San Pedro (eds.). 2006. Historia de la Universidad de Salamanca. III.1. Saberes y Confluencias. Salamanca: Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 144–145). Juan Garcia de Saavedra, the rapporteur of the Royal Council of Castille and Fiscal Advocate of the Royal Chancellory of Valladolid, also wrote an Apologia pro successione Regni Portugalliae (cf. Florez, Henrique. 1799. España Sagrada. Theatro geographico-historico de la iglesia de Espana. XXIII. Madrid. En la oficina de la viuda è hijo de marin, 219). In Milan’s Biblioteca Ambrosiana, one finds another short text—a manuscript—called Consulta sopra la successione di Portogallo dopo la morte di re Enrico (Ms D116 inf/33, 95r–96r).

  100. 100.

    The first four writings dating back to 1579–1580, whereas the last one to 1581, were aimed to confirm the decision which had already been taken. See di Renzo Villata, Maria Gigliola. 2013. Rho (Raudensis), Alessandro. In DBGI 2, 1674–1675. The first two consultores followed those writings written by the Piedmontese lawyers for Emmanuel Philibert found also in the collection published by Ziletti, on which see infra, footnote 104f: Rho, Alessandro. 1581. Consilium 141. In Ziletti, Giovanni Battista (ed.), Responsorum quae vulgo consilia vocantur ad causas ultimarum voluntatum, successionum, dotium et legitimationum, nunc primum publicae commoditate editorum, volumen secundum, 272r–283v. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Ziletum; and Consilium 142, 284r–288v.

  101. 101.

    All these text were cathalogued as Informaciones en derecho. cf. Pérez Pastor 1891 [as n. 86] 392–393. Rodríguez Gil 2002, 79–80. About the author: de Entrambasaguas, Joaquín. 1943. Una familia de ingenios. Los Ramírez de Prado. Madrid: CSIC, 11–39, and Mrozek Eliszezynski, Giuseppe. 2013. Las culpas del Rey y de su favorito. El proceso a Alonso Ramírez de Prado (1607–1608). Librosdelacorte.es, nº 6, año 5, primavera-verano: 27–49, 30.

  102. 102.

    He would die shortly thereafter, in summer 1580. See Stumpo, Enrico. 1993. Emanuele Filiberto. In DBI 42, 553–566.

  103. 103.

    Casana, Paola. 2013. Cacherano d’Osasco, Ottaviano. In DBGI 1, 370–371; Castronovo, Valerio. 1973. Cacherano d’Osasco, Ottaviano. In DBI 16, 57–59.

  104. 104.

    Cacherano’s consilia are printed in a rare edition in 1581. A consilium is also edited with others in a collection: Cacherano, Ottaviano. 1581. Consilium 138. In Ziletti, Giovanni Battista (ed.), Responsorum quae vulgo consilia vocantur ad causas ultimarum voluntatum, successionum, dotium et legitimationum, nunc primum publicae commoditate editorum, volumen secundum, 249v–254v. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Ziletum.

  105. 105.

    He closed his consilium with these words: “quapropter concludo praedicto Henrico regi una cum proceribus et populis licere quem voluerit ex praedictis Philippo rege, et Emanuele Philiberto Duce eligere successorem in dicto regno, quod hortor, ut boni consulant, commodisque et utilitatibus populorum studeant, illumque in regem eligant, et constituant, qui non odio aut vi seu coacte, sed paterno affectu ad formam gregis ex animo populos regat, protegat, et defendat” and so on. Cacherano 1581, n. 28, 254v.

  106. 106.

    For instance, the responsum edited by Ziletti is divided only into 28 paragraphs.

  107. 107.

    According to Cacherano, Philip and Emmanuel Philibert are in the same position: Cacherano 1581 (as n. 104) n. 4, 250v: “Quoniam Rex Philippus et Serenissimus Dux Sabaudiae sunt dicto regi Henrico proximiores, proinde excludunt praedictum illustrissimum Raynutium”.

  108. 108.

    Da Ponte di Lombriasco, Amedeo. 1581. Consilium 139. In Ziletti, Giovanni Battista (ed.), Responsorum quae vulgo consilia vocantur ad causas ultimarum voluntatum, successionum, dotium et legitimationum, nunc primum publicae commoditate editorum, volumen secundum, 254v–260r. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Ziletum.

  109. 109.

    Castronovo, Valerio. 1963. Bagnasacco, Antonio. In DBI 5, 253–256.

  110. 110.

    Bagnasacco, Antonio. 1581. Consilium 140. In Ziletti, Giovanni Battista (ed.), Responsorum quae vulgo consilia vocantur ad causas ultimarum voluntatum, successionum, dotium et legitimationum, nunc primum publicae commoditate editorum, volumen secundum, 260r–272r. Venetiis: Apud Franciscum Ziletum: “repellendum omnino esse filium ancillae, ut non sit haeres” (n. 4, 262r).

  111. 111.

    Historiography has long ago studied this famous case. One may only make some essential references. For historical and politic issues see Fochessati, Giuseppe. 1912. I Gonzaga di Mantova e l’ultimo duca. Mantova: Bedulli, 51ff. Quazza, Romolo. 1926. La guerra per la successione di Mantova e del Monferrato (162831), vols. 2. Mantova: Editore Mondovì; Segre, Arturo. 1928. Emanuele Filiberto. I. 1528–1559. Torino: G.B. Paravia; Egidi, Pietro. 1928. Emanuele Filiberto. II. 1559–1580. Torino: G.B. Paravia. More recently Merlin, Pierpaolo. 1995. Emanuele Filiberto. Un principe tra il Piemonte e l’Europa. Torino: SEI; Merlin, Pierpaolo. 2008. Manuel Filiberto, duque de Saboya y general de España. Madrid: Editorial Actas; Merlin, Pierpaolo. 2014. La croce e le aquile: Savoia, Impero e Spagna tra XVI e XVII secolo. In Bellabarba, Marco, and Merlotti, Andrea (eds.), Stato sabaudo e Sacro Romano Impero, 251–267. Bologna: Il Mulino; Raviola, Blythe Alice. 2003. Il Monferrato gonzaghesco. Istituzioni ed élites di un micro-stato (15361708). Firenze: Leo S. Olschki Editore. In the introduction (IX–XVIII) is offered a panoramic about the historiography on the matter. Se also Merlin, and Ieva (eds.) 2016.

  112. 112.

    Cf. for instance Parrott, David. 1997. The Mantuan Succession, 1627–31: A Sovereignty Dispute in Early Modern Europe. The English Historical Review 112: 20–65 (doi: https://doi.org/10.1093/ehr/CXII.445.20).

  113. 113.

    The novel talks largely about the war and its political context in chapter XXVII.

  114. 114.

    Curis, Giovanni. 1938. Feudo. In Nuovo Digesto Italiano 5, 1090–1096. Torino: Utet, 1093–1094.

  115. 115.

    Pecorella, Corrado. 1957. Feudo. In Novissimo Digesto Italiano 7, 256–267. Torino: Utet. 263. Cf. also Astuti, Guido. 1968. Feudo. In Enciclopedia del diritto 17, 292–313. Milano: Giuffrè, 299–304.

  116. 116.

    Mor, Carlo Guido. 1952. L’Età feudale 2. Milano: Vallardi, 69 and 217–218.

  117. 117.

    It seems however that he had still not received the orders, and consequently a marriage was hurriedly negotiated for him (Raviola 2003, 3–4 and bibliography).

  118. 118.

    Raviola 2003, 4–5. Nada Patrone, Anna Maria, and Airaldi, Gabriella. 1986. Comuni e signorie nell’Italia settentrionale: il Piemonte e la Liguria. Torino: Utet, 51–59.

  119. 119.

    The local populations were frequently up in arms and the imperial garrison sent to quash the tumult could hardly keep controll. Raviola 2003, 6 f.

  120. 120.

    Cf. Tamalio, Raffaele. 2008b. Margherita Paleologo, Duchessa di Mantova e marchesa del Monferrato. In DBI 70, 148–151.

  121. 121.

    The mandatories of the Marquis of Saluzzo were Emilio Ferreto, Giovanni Galiziano e Francesco Arnaudi (Muletti, Delfino, and Muletti, Carlo. 1833. Memorie storico diplomatiche appartenenti alla città ed ai marchesi di Saluzzo 6. Saluzzo: per Domenico Lobetti-Bodoni, 163–164, 186–190, 220). The same small marquisate was however the subject-matter of a suit for the succession and the conflict between the two pretenders, Giovanni Lodovico and Francesco, and got involved in the fight between the King of France and the Emperor. The promise of Montferrat induced Francesco to cease his support for the French and to swear his allegiance to Charles V (207–219). For a framework of the history of these territories, see Nada Patrone, and Airaldi 1986, 49–51.

  122. 122.

    Aimerito, Francesco. 2013. Balbo (Balbi, de Balbis, Balbus) Nicolò (Nicola). In DBGI 1, 144. See also Busino, Giovanni. 1963. Balbo (Balbus, De Balbis), Niccolò. In DBI 5, 414–416.

  123. 123.

    Aimerito, Francesco. 2013. Porporato (Purpurato, Porporati), Giovanni Francesco (Francesco). In DBGI 2. 1617–1618. Balbo’s and Porporato’s consilia were published years later in a miscellaneous volume in which the consilia of various lawyers were collected who had expressed themselves over the decades in favour of the House of Savoy in the dispute over Montferrat. The title is however misleading because it refers to Responsa diuersorum iurisconsultorum in causa Marchiæ Montisferrati, ad ius vniuersale, et particulare eiusdem pro sereniss.mo Carolo Emanuele Dei gratia duce Sabaudiae. 1587. Augustae Taurinorum: apud Haeredem Nicolai Beuilaquae. In this way, the book gathers under the name, as addressee, of Charles Emmanuel (during whose reign the book was published), Balbo’s and Porporato’s consilia (deceased in 1552 and 1544 respectively) together with the consilia of Cacherano, Vivalda, Pobel, De Portes and Menochio who, as we shall see, worked for Emmanuel Philibert thirty years later.

  124. 124.

    Consilia doctissima nuper aedita per magistros et primarios Italiae iureconsultos in fauorem illustris. et excellentiss. dominorum Mantuae ducum, super statu Montisferrati. 1536. Ferrariae: per magistrum Franciscum Rubeum de Valentia, 1536 die XII Aprilis.

  125. 125.

    Thus the volume of Consilia doctissima olim edita per celeberrimos, et primarios Italiae iureconsultos, in favorem illustrissimorum, et excellentissimorum DD Mantuae Ducum, super stati Montisferrati. 1602. Mantuae: ex officina Francisci Osannae, was published. All the consultations were indicated in this new edition, including their place in the collections of the individual authors. They were divided on the basis of their contents, separating the arguments used against the two adversaries, the Duke of Savoy and the Marquis of Saluzzo. Aliprandi and de Medicis signed the first consilium in the list (3–14), and then number 6 (50–74). De Medicis by himself was the author of consilium number 5 (47–50) and Aliprandi by himself number 13 (167–233), numbers 18 and 19 (275–292), number 24 (357–362), numbers 29 and 30 (410–423) as well as number 34 (434–440). Gerolamo de Medicis signed with Giovanni Battista Albrisio consilia numbers 25 (362–365), 37 (457–466), and 50–51 (482–491). Ludovico Mainoldi (or Maynoldi) was the author of consilium number 33 (429–434).

  126. 126.

    Dezza, Ettore. 1997. Rolando Dalla Valle (1500 c.–1575). Politica, diritto, strategie familiari nell’esperienza di un giurista casalese del Cinquecento. Monferrato arte e storia 9: 23–43. See also Dezza, Ettore. 2013. Dalla Valle Rolando (Rolandus a Valle). In DBGI 1, 658–659.

  127. 127.

    The responsa he issued in the first phase of the process were immediately gathered and printed in Ferrara in 1536 and republished in Mantua in the already-cited collection of the beginning of the 17th century (Consilia doctissima 1602, consilium 26, 365–405). They also appeared as a monograph in the consilia of the same Rolando: Dalla Valle, Rolando. 1573. Consilia sive responsa 1. Lugduni: Apud Claudium Ravot, consilia nn. 1, 2, and 3.

  128. 128.

    Nardi, Paolo. 2013. Socini (Sozzini, Soccini), Mariano jr. In DBGI 2, 1880–1881. In the Mantuan collection already mentioned, there are three consultations indicated as n. 75, 76 and 77 of the author’s first volume (Consilia doctissima 1602, consilium 2, 14–23; consilium 7, 74–105 and consilium 20, 292–330). Furthermore, there is consilium 31, 423–425, which carries a declaration claiming that it is an addition made by the author upon learning of a new argument for the defence brought forward by the Duke of Savoy which necessitated confutation. The same edition contains two consultations attributed to Mariano Socini senior, but for chronological reasons his authorship has to be absolutely excluded.

  129. 129.

    Signed also by Consilia doctissima 1602, consilium 2, 23.

  130. 130.

    Tarantino, Daniela. 2013. Parisio, Pier Paolo. In DBGI 2, 1512–1514. In the cited collection, Parisio’s interventions too are distributed on the basis of the content: the consilium number 4 (Consilia doctissima 1602, 31–46) is indicated as number 22 of his first volume: Parisio, Pier Paolo. 1593. Consiliorum pars prima. Venetiis: Societas aquilae se renovantis, cons. 22, 47v–51r); as nine, is printed the Parisio’s number 23 (Consilia doctissima 1602, 118–146; Parisio 1593, 51r–61r). Both are signed as “doctor iura civilia ordinarie legens” in Bononia.

  131. 131.

    For more about the author cf. Belloni, Annalisa, and Cortese, Ennio. 2013. Alciato, Andrea. In DBGI 1, 29–32. In the monothematic collection reprinted in the beginning of the 17th century, Alciato’s interventions too were divided according to the argument and were presented as a first consultation, confuting the claims of the Marquis of Saluzzo (Consilia doctissima 1602, consilium 10, 147–158) and a second one in which arguments are brought against the position of the House of Savoy (Consilia doctissima 1602 [as n. 125] consilium 22, 346–351. For Alciato’s opinions on the practice relating to consilia see, as example Rossi, Giovanni. 2013. La lezione metodologica di Andrea Alciato: filologia, storia e diritto nei Parerga. In Rolet, Anne, and Rolet, Stéphane (eds.), André Alciat (14921550): un humaniste au confluent des savoirs dans l’Europe de la Renaissance, 145–164. Turnhout: Brepols, specially 162–164. Online version: https://doi.org/10.1484/m.er-eb.5.106727.

  132. 132.

    Cortese, Ennio, and Pieri, Bernardo. 2013. Gozzadini, Ludovico jr. e famiglia. In DBGI 1, 1043–1044. The consilia for the Duke of Mantua were the seventh, the eighth, the ninth, and the tenth of the collection Consilia doctissima 1602, consilium 3, 23–31; consilium 8, 105–118; consilium 21, 333–346 and 27, 405–407, as well as consilium 42, 491–503.

  133. 133.

    See Cavina, Marco. 2013. Berò, Agostino. In DBGI 1, 232–233. In the Mantuan collection it is found as consilium number 67 of the author’s Volume I (Berò, Agostino. 1567. Consiliorum Volumen primum. Bononiae: Apud Ioannem Rossium, cons. 67, 254–264; cf. Consilia doctissima 1602 (as n. 125) consilium 17, 253–268).

  134. 134.

    Three consilia were signed by the doctores of Bologna and included in Consilia doctissima 1602, consilia 14, 15 and 16, 233–252. The three opinions, which made up different parts of the same advice, dealt, even in this case, with the various aspects of the dispute and confuted the claims of both pretenders, the Duke of Savoy and the Marquis of Saluzzo. The final signature, shown by the publisher, was dated June 20, 1534 (252).

  135. 135.

    Messina, Pietro. 1990. De nobili (Nobili), Cesare. In DBI 38, 746–750.

  136. 136.

    Ghilini, Girolamo. 1647. Teatro d’huomini letterati II. Venezia: per li Guerigli, 111–112.

  137. 137.

    Muletti, and Muletti 1833.

  138. 138.

    Consilia feudalia ex variorum doctorum scriptis diligentissime collecta. 1570. Lugduni: Apud Haeredes Iacobi Iunctae. Giovanni Battista Vismara’s consultation, which was quite long (212 paragraphs), was the first of the collection (consilium 1, 8–61) followed by Gallizio’s, which was slightly longer (consilium 2, 62–103). Francesco dalla Chiesa’s was much more synthetic (consilium 40, 263–268).

  139. 139.

    The role and ability of the ambassadors had a remarkable effect on the imperial decision, as has been ascertained by historiography. According to Segre, for instance, Charles V was “in his heart of hearts” closer to the House of Savoy but strictly political reasons induced him to pronounce himself in favour of the Gonzagas, or to be more precise, in favour of Margaret Palaeologina, also thanks to the highly skilful diplomacy of the emissaries of the Lords of Mantua who managed to bring to their side many of the advisors closest to the Emperor (Segre 1928). See also: Quazza, Romolo. 1933. Mantova attraverso i secoli. Mantova: Tip. edit. de La voce di Mantova, 120ff; Quazza, Romolo. 1941. La diplomazia gonzaghesca. Milano: istituto per gli studi di politica internazionale, 34–36; Mozzarelli, Cesare. 1979. Lo stato gonzaghesco. Mantova dal 1382 al 1707. In Marini, Lino, Tocci, Giovanni, Mozzarelli, Cesare, and Stella, Aldo. I ducati padani, Trento e Trieste (Galasso, Giovanni [ed.], Storia d’Italia 17), 359–495. Torino: Utet, 408–409; Raviola 2003, 25.

  140. 140.

    Favre copied the text almost in its entirety (Favre, Antoine. 1617. De Montisferrati Ducatu contra ser. ducem Mantuae, pro serenissimo duce Sabaudiae consultatio. Lugduni: apud Iacobum Roussin, 72–75). See it also in Muletti, and Muletti 1833, 221.

  141. 141.

    For bibliographical references see Stumpo 1993, 554–558.

  142. 142.

    Close to the Spanish Court ever since childhood, Emmanuel Philibert made every effort to make sure peace would reign with France. In order to consolidate his dominion, he even signed treaties with the Swiss cantons, forged dense relations with Venice and the Papacy, and so on (Stumpo 1993, 554–558).

  143. 143.

    Even though they constituted a single sequence of arguments, the consultation written for this suit were divided, probably for printing purposes, and presented as five separate consilia, from the moment they were published by the author’s son in 1625 in the second volume of the collection of Consilia which he edited under his father’s name (as we shall be seeing, in reality a not irrelevant part of the book was taken up by Antonio Bagnasacco’s allegationes): Cacherano, Ottaviano. 1625. Consilia sive responsa quae in causis feudalibus arduis et difficillimis illustrium virorum reddidit. Augustae Taurinorum: Sumptibus Ioannis Guerilij Bibliopolae veneti, consilium 1, 1–9; consilium 2, 9–26; consilium 3, 26–34; consilium 4, 34–43; consilium 5, 43–61. There is also a printing of the Responsum, as a stand-alone, without any mention of place or date (cf. Casana 2013, 371).

  144. 144.

    Casana 2013, 371.

  145. 145.

    It reminds of the contents of the consilia of Parisio, Socini iunior, Gozzadini, Dalla Valle (cf. e.g. Cacherano 1625, consilium 1, n. 4, 11).

  146. 146.

    Describing the life and works of the chronicler from Montferrat Benvenuto di Sangiorgio, Giuseppe Vernazza writes that the Cronica italiana acquired an extraordinary value soon after its author’s passing away, because it was a fundamental instruments for the dispute on the dominium of Montferrat. Not only did Gonzaga’s envoys produce it from 1534 to support their own claims, but the eulogies made to him were not contradicted. “Actually, then and in subsequent disputes that went on for more than a century, praise was heaped upon praise by Cacherano, Balbo, Porporato, Menochio, all of whom gave advice favourable to the House of Savoy, as well as by Parisio, Gozzadino, Soccino junior, Rolando della Valle and the other lawyers who wrote in favour of the Mantuas and di Saluzzo” (Vernazza, Giuseppe. 1780. Vita di Benvenuto Sangiorgio. In Sangiorgio, Benvenuto, Cronica. Torino: a spese di Onorato de Rossi libraio, 19).

  147. 147.

    For the development of these aspects, see infra footnote 180f.

  148. 148.

    Derossi, Onorato. 1790. Scrittori Piemontesi Savoiardi Nizzardi registrati nei catalogi del vescovo Francesco Agostino della Chiesa e del monaco Andrea Rossotto. Torino: stamperia reale, 117; Cariche del Piemonte e Paesi uniti colla serie cronologica delle persone che le hanno occupate ed altre notizie di nuda istoria dal fine del secolo decimo sino al dicembre 1798 con qualche aggiunta relativa anche al tempo posteriore 1. 1798. Torino: a spese di Onorato de Rossi stampatore e libraio, 185. Pobel’s writings and those of the other authors cited further on can be found in Responsa diuersorum iurisconsultorum 1587.

  149. 149.

    Pilot de Thorey, Jean-Joseph-Antoine, and Prudhomme, Auguste. 1884. Inventaire sommaire des archives départementales antérieurs à 1790, Isère, Archives civiles, série B (suite) 2. Grenoble: Allier, 24. Mathieu, Martial. 2002. Le professeur et les magistrats: la reception de Cujas au Parlement de Dauphiné. Revue d’histoire des Facultées de droit et de la science juridique 22: 7–32, 12.

  150. 150.

    A very young, freshly-graduated professor first at Mondovì and then in Turin since 1560, the lawyer died precociously in 1570, aged only 37 years. Cf. ad esempio: Bessone, Gianantonio. 1856. Sulla città e provincia di Mondovì. Dissertazione storico-critica con note. Mondovì: dalla tipografia di Pietro Rossi, 313; Casalis, Goffredo. 1842. Dizionario geografico-storico-statistico-commerciale degli stati di S.M. il Re di Sardegna 10. Torino: G. Maspero libraio e Cassone e Marzorati tipografi, 729.

  151. 151.

    Valsecchi, Chiara. 2009. Menochio, Jacopo. In DBI 73, 521–524; Valsecchi, Chiara. 2013. Menochio, Jacopo. In DBGI 2, 1328–1330.

  152. 152.

    The first edition of the text, published autonomously, appeared in Mondovì in 1566, whereas the comprehensive collection of the more than eight thousand consilia written by Menochio was published on his own initiative in 1572, and then went through many editions (Valsecchi 2013, 1329). Cf. for instance Menochio, Jacopo. 1605. Consiliorum sive responsorum Liber primus. Francofurti: Sumptibus Haeredum Andreae Wecheli et Ioannis Gymnici, consilium 1, 1r–21r.

  153. 153.

    In the first lines, the author clearly lays out the structure of his “consultatio”, which he wants to be “clara et dilucida”. The first part thus served to investigate “cuius natura fuerit Marchia Haec Montisferrati a die concessionis” up till 1435. The second part went on “explicando, quae iura consecuti sunt in Marchia ista Serenissimi Duces Sabaudiae Pedemontiumque” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 1, 1r).

  154. 154.

    Menochio mistakenly refers to Otto II, while the date is correct (cf. for instance (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 2, and n. 4, 1r etc.), even though even on this the sources available to the author were fallacious (on this subject see infra).

  155. 155.

    The text of the diploma was transcripted by Favre , 1–3 and translated in italian by Olivero, Giovanni. 1858. Memorie storiche della città e marchesato di Ceva. Ceva: presso Garrone Teonesto, 37–38. Cf. Barelli, Giuseppe. 1957. Il diploma di Ottone I ad Aleramo V del 23 marzo 967 (DO. I. 339). Bollettino storico-bibliografico subalpino 55: 103–133.

  156. 156.

    Menochio used the writings of Raffaele Maffei (the Volterran), say, which—he hastened to underline—though being a “vir eruditus”, made a mistake on the date of Otto’s diploma. Menochio had certainly read Maffei’s work, which he cited with precision, recalling the fourth book, dealing with “geographia”, where he deals with the “sub-Alpine” region (Menochio 1605 consilium 1, n. 1, 1r): the excerpt recalled by the lawyer can be read in Maffei, Raffaele (Volterranus). 1544. Commentariorum urbanorum octo et triginta libri. Basileae: Froben, Geographia. IV. Regio subalpine, 31v. Marco Antonio Sabellico too made some errors—says Menochio—like, for instance, placing the origin of the march at the time of Gregory V’s or John XVI’s pontificate whereas neither of them could have been the correct reference. (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 1, 1r. Cf. for instance: Coccio Sabellico, Marco Antonio. 1509. Tertia pars Enneadum M. Antonii Coccii Sabellici ab inclinatione romani imperii usque ad annum 1504. Venetiis: Academia Ab Ioanne paruo et ipso qui impressit Ascensio, IX, Liber II, 79v). These oversights were then repeated by other historians who referred to Sabellico, like Leandro Alberto, Marco Guacio, Giacomo Filippi. Some of these errors were corrected in the “Cronache del Monferrato” by Benvenuto di Sangiorgio, to whom it is best to refer.

  157. 157.

    The sources are variegated and propose differing dates and reconstructions, some of which seem the result of fantasy. Menochio himself was very skeptic about them: “haec libenter ea ratione referre volui, ut intelligant omnes, in re tam antiqua auctores parum inter se convenire, et ob id vix veritatem invenire. Quare coniecturis quibusdam, quibus in ambiguis uti solemus, rem tantum posse discerni, crediderim” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 4, 1r).

  158. 158.

    Though all documentary evidence of this investiture was lost, Gabotto still felt he could deduce it from other news of the period (in particular, some documents which seemed to attest to the presence in Italy of William’s brothers who arrived in Montferrat after his investiture). Gabotto, Ferdinando. 1919. Gli Aleramici fino alla metà del sec. XII. Le origini aleramiche. La linea di Oddone. Rivista di storia, arte, archeologia di Alessandria 28.9: 1–35; see also Merlone, Rinaldo. 1995. Gli Aleramici. Una dinastia dalle strutture pubbliche ai nuovi orientamenti territoriali (secoli IXXI). Torino: Deputazione Subalpina di Storia Patria; Settia, Aldo A. 2007. Castrum Turris, il Colle di S. Lorenzo e i Longobardi in Monferrato. In Micheletto, Egle (ed.), Longobardi in Monferratoarcheologia della Iudiciaria Torrensis, 11–30. Casale Monferrato: Museo Civico.

  159. 159.

    In the first, Hugh and Lothair granted the court of Ariola, found in the county of Asti; in the second, dated 6 February 935, Hugh and Lothair donated “fideli nostro aledramo comiti quondam cortem quae Forum nuncupatur sitam super fluvium Tanari in comitatu aquensi una cum omnibus rebus a fluvio Tanaro usque ad flumen Burmidae” in addition to other possessions. Cognasso, Francesco. 1960. Aleramo. In DBI 2, 157–158.

  160. 160.

    The tie with Berengar had been consolidated through Aleramus’ marriage with the king’s daughter, Gerberga. Cognasso 1960, 157.

  161. 161.

    He first known document in which Aleramus appeared following his appointment to marquis was a donation of 961, in virtue of which, together with his wife and children, he ceded some lands to the monastery of Grazzano in Montferrat: “Aledramus marchio, filius Gulielmi comitis, et Gilberga, filia Berengarii regii et Anselmus seu Oddo germani viventes lege salica, ipsi namque iugales modo quo supra genitorum nostrorum anselmi seu oddoni gratia nobis consentiente” give “pro animae nostrae et quondam Gulielmi qui fuit filius et filiaster et germanus noster, seu parentum nostrorum mercede”. This document also confirms that Aleramus was married twice, having lost his first wife Gerberga. He had also lost the son he had with her, William. The document also confirms the presence of two other sons. Cognasso 1960, 157.

  162. 162.

    The last mention of Aleramus’ life was made in the same year—he was present in April at a placitum in Ravenna. He was certainly dead by 991, when another document referring to the donation of land to a monastery was signed by his sons and heirs Oddo and Anselmus in his memory. Cognasso 1960, 158.

  163. 163.

    As has been ascertained by historiography, for many areas of norther Italy, “all members hold rights as marquises while exercising their prerogatives by shares the revenues”. This confirms the “private-law conception of the fief, almost confused with the allode”. “The hereditary principle and pluralistic government profoundly changed the relationship between sovereign and marquises, given that sovereign investiture increasingly assumed the nature of confirmation of almost-original rights rather than a new situation”. Mor 1952, 69, 217–218.

  164. 164.

    The verbs used by Otto were “concedimus, donamus et largimus” and the lawyer skilfully analysed their literal meaning (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 9–11, 4r).

  165. 165.

    Menochio highlighted the fact that the Emperor, using the expression “confirmamus et corroboramus”, showed that he considered the territories mentioned in the diploma as already fully disposable by Aleramus, having inherited some of them as well as acquired many others (“tam hereditate parentum quam de adquestu”), to whom, therefore, nothing was given ex novo. Moreover, the words ‘fief’ or ‘enfeoffment’ never appear whereas it menioned free donation (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 14ff, 4r). Historiography confirms that in the 10th century grants of land in full property were not unusual at all. Tabacco, Giovanni. 1974. Egemonie sociali e strutture del potere nel medioevo italiano. Torino: Einaudi, 197.

  166. 166.

    “Cum ergo in casu nostro nulla ab Othone concessa fuerit investitura, sequitur feudalem non fuisse hanc concessionem” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 23, 4r). “Septimo accedit quod cum fidelitatis iuramentum sit substantia concessionis feudi … sequitur feudalem non fuisse concessionem hanc, cum nullum in ea praestitum fuerit fidelitatis iuramentum” (n. 28, 4v).

  167. 167.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 30–31, 4v.

  168. 168.

    “Nunc videamus an ab eo anno 967 citra marchia haec naturam immutaverit ut ex allodiali feudalis effecta fuerit. Et vere discurrendo tempora constat feudalem effectam non esse” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 41, 4v).

  169. 169.

    In addition to making a mistake on the number of emperors in the Ottonian dynasty, he indicated William as the successor to Aleramus instead of the other sond Oddone, and other such imprecisions.

  170. 170.

    “Montisferrati marchia perduranti Aledrami prosapia feudalis imperii effecta minime fuit” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 41–44, 4v–5r).

  171. 171.

    In particular Federick Barbarossa was generous with grants in favour of the marquises of Montferrat. These grants compensated, in part, the loss of territories lost to common neighbours, like Vercelli, Alessandria, Asti. Menochio pieced together all these passages (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 47–60, 5r).

  172. 172.

    “Ioanne vite functo universi Marchiae incolae ex communi voto rem Andronico Palaeologo, ut affini ac sororio domini Ioannis regendam obtulerunt” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 61, 5r).

  173. 173.

    The marquis declared to the Emperor that he possessed the marquisate, that it is an ancient and noble fief of the Empire and therefore requested to be invested with it, alongside his heirs, to keep on possessing it like his predecessors had done before him: “Hic ergo Theodorus aliquot annos Imperium non recognovit, tandem ann. 1310, 25 octobris, suis precibus significavit Henrico Septimo tunc Imperatori, se Montisferrati Marchiam una cum eius pertinentiis possidere, illamque esse feudum nobile et antiquum Sacri Romani Imperii; ea propter ab ipso imperatore petiit se de eo investiri pro se suisque haeredibus, modo et forma quo et qua ipsius Theodori praedecessores tenere in feudum consueverunt, quod concessit imperator” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 62, 5r). Cf. Musso, Riccardo. 2000. “Intra Tanarum et Bormidam et litus maris”. I marchesi di Monferrato e i signori “aleramici” delle Langhe (XIV–XVI secolo). In Soldi Rondinini, Gigliola (ed.), Il Monferrato. Crocevia politico, economico e culturale tra Mediterraneo ed Europa. Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi (Ponzone (AL), 11–14 giugno 1998), 240–266. Ponzone: s.n; also available as an offprint on the Reti Medievali website (from which I quote: http://www.rm.unina.it/rm_old/biblioteca/scaffale/Bibliografie/Biblio-Musso.htm).

  174. 174.

    “Prima facie dicendum videbatur feudalem esse effectam” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 62, 5r).

  175. 175.

    As a matter of fact, in the same year 1310, in addition to the obtained imperial investiture, this hypothesis was also confirmed by a document originating from the House of Savoy in which Aymon of Savoy negotiated his marriage to Theodore’s daughter—on which, infra (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 66–67, 5v). Cf. Astuti 1968, 299.

  176. 176.

    “Haec me haesitantem reddebant, ut responderem, ex hac recognitione Marchiam hanc feudalem effectam fuisse. Caeterum, re ipsa diligentius perpensa, totus in contrariam sententiam discessi, nempe ex hoc ricognitionis actu, marchiam hanc feudalem non fuisse effectam, quod multis demonstratur” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 69–70, 5v).

  177. 177.

    Menochio cited in especial manner the chronicles of Benvenuto di Sangiorgio who, as already noted above, was considered more reliable. Referring with a certain degree of precision to the contents of the will, it transpired that the sons, Theodore and Demetrius, were mentioned only as possible substitutes. (Sangiorgio 1780, 84).

  178. 178.

    From the same chronicles, Menochio obtained the news according to which Yolande never transferred the Italian marquisate to her son in virtue of a formal donation, but only entrusted him with the administration of it on her behalf. He had to limit himself only to this. According to the author, a formal special mandate would have been absolutely necessary to ask for and receive the investiture. Neither can the thesis be accepted that such a mandate could be presumed, as, if the chronicle of Benvenuto di Sangiorgio were to be believed, John had indicated as substitutes of his sister Yolande not only Theodore but all her children, for which reason the maternal consent would not have sufficed, but the brothers’ consent too would have been necessary (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 73–82, 5v–6r).

  179. 179.

    “Concessionem hanc in vim feudi factam non fuisse, ex eo demonstratur: quia dictum in ea fuit, modo et forma quo et qua illius praedecessores obtinuerunt. At cum Theodori antecessores iure allodii ac liberi patrimonii tenuerint (ut supra ostendimus) sequitur sub eadem forma ab Henrico factam esse concessionem” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 69, 5v).

  180. 180.

    The entire second “particula” of the first part is devoted to this: “sed praesupponamus Marchiam Montisferrati feudalem esse, videamus nunc cuius naturae fit feudum hoc … an feudum alienabile, vel non” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 118–135, 7rv).

  181. 181.

    This is demonstrated by the investiture granted by Henry VII, defining the marquisate “feudum nobile, antiquum et paternum, quod vere in successorum detrimentum alienari non potest” (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 122, 7r).

  182. 182.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 126, 7r.

  183. 183.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 136 ss., 7v.

  184. 184.

    The author tackled and confuted, with the usual abundance of references to rules and doctrine a series of six “difficultates” which cast doubt on the lawfulness and validity of succession agreements like this (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 137–225, 7v–10v).

  185. 185.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 226ff, 10v. “Upon the occupation of Monferrato, Marquis Gian Giacomo had sought refuge in the Savoyard territory, with his brother-in-law Amedeo VIII, unaware that the latter had already agreed with Visconti to share the marquisate. In Thonon, on 13 February 1432, he had to sign a treaty whereby, in exchange of the Duke of Savoy’s commitment to get him his state back, he had to donate all his lands north of the Po as well as those which, thanks of his help, he would have recovered from the Duke of Milan. The Duke undertook to invest the first-born of the Marquis, Giovanni. With regard to the territory still in his possession (and entrusted to a Savoyard captain-general to administer), Gian Giacomo undertook to stipulate perpetual adherence” Musso 2000, 12–13. Cf. also Cognasso, Francesco. 1916. L’alleanza sabaudo-viscontea contro il Monferrato del 1431. Archivio storico lombardo 42: 5–156. Cognasso, Francesco. 1926. Amedeo VIII (13831451). Torino: Paravia, 130–131.

  186. 186.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 250, 11v.

  187. 187.

    In 1435 the marquis Gian Giacomo was, on the basis of an arbitral decision delivered by the commissioners delegated by the Duke of Milan, bound to execute the unconscionable conditions which Amedeo VIII had imposed on him at Thonon. The Duke, in accordance with the agreement, invested the heir of the marquis, John Paleologos, with the lands “citra Padum” and “ultra Tanagrum” given back by Visconti. Musso 2000, 14–15.

  188. 188.

    In particular, upon receipt of the marquisate in 1445, Gian Giacomo’s son had accepted and acknowledged his feudal subjection to the Savoyard Duke (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, n. 259, 12rv). With regard to these acts of ratification too, the author did his utmost to confute a series of 9 “difficultates” adopted by the adversaries who held that there had been acts of violence, intimidation and various instances of non-observance of obligations by the House of Savoy (Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 269–474, 12v–19v. On metus as a vitiation of consent, for instance, nn. 271–306, 12v–14r; on the invalidity of an obligation undertaken also on behalf of one’s successors, nn. 307–337, 14r–15r and so on.

  189. 189.

    Menochio 1605, consilium 1, nn. 475–502, 19v–21r.

  190. 190.

    The respective diplomatic services worked on the hypothesis of exchange of lands, which would make more homogeneous the structure of the two States, and at the beginning of the 16th century the marriage between Margaret of Savoy, daughter of Charles Emmanuel, and Francesco Gonzaga was used as instrument of peace (Tamalio, Raffaele. 2008a. Margherita di Savoia, Duchessa di Mantova e di Monferrato. In DBI 70, 151–154).

  191. 191.

    Piecing together the very close relations between the emperor, the Portuguese crown and the House of Savoy, it recalls the various Savoyard possessions which had been explored by the imperial envoys in preparation for the marriage between the infanta Beatrix and Charles of Savoy, it enumerated among the lands visited the marquisate of Montferrat, “regioni Pedemontium finitimum a Duce Mantua tentum ad ipsum Ducem Carolum iure spectare, fuper eo lite iam instituta coram Imperatore, quae adhuc indecisa pendet,prout ego,uti praefectus sacrorum scriniorum eiusdem ducis scripturas et quaecumque iura vidi recondita in archivio ducali”. (Bagnasacco 1581, consilium 140, n. 33, 269v).

  192. 192.

    The long defensive work was published under the title of allegationes in Bagnasacco, Antonio. 1587. Allegationes feudales in causa Marchiae Montisferrati ad ius universale, et particulare eiusdem, pro Ser.mo Carolo Emanuele Dei gratia duce Sabaudiae. Augustae Taurinorum: Apud Haeredem Nicolai Bevilaquae, and proposed again in 1625 following Cacherano’s consilia on the same case. It was divided in different texts presented as different pieces of advice. Developed sequentially, they replicated point by point the arguments used by the defence team and counsel of the Gonzagas, making theirs the work of the consiliatores who had intervened for the Savoyard part with more data and ad hoc doctrinal citations: Cacherano 1625, consilium 6 (61–70), consilium 7 (70–85), consilium 8 (85–99), consilium 9 (99–102), consilium 10 (102–111), consilium 11 (112–122), consilium 12 (122–132), consilium 13 (132–141), consilium 14 (141–150), consilium 15 (150–170), consilium 16 (170–196), consilium 17 (197–209), consilium 18 (209–249).

  193. 193.

    Castronovo 1963, 253 observes that this writing, “handsomely compensated by the Duke, corroborated the projects cultivated by the sovereign, with the marriage to Catherine of Spain, regarding the acquisition of Montferrat”. He also judges it, possibly a little severely: “The particular political purpose of this collection of Allegationes by B. denudes it of any scientific value”. According to Castronovo, “The Allegationes are an attempt to update the content of the preceding consilia (written by, among others, Porporato, Cacherano and Menocchio) in which the point of view of Charles III was upheld before the apposite commission, convoked by Charles V, which in 1536 had decided that the fief of Montferrat should pass unto the Gonzagas”. In reality, as we have noted, some of the consilia in question were given in favour of Emmanuel Philibert in the ‘60 s of that century and not of Charles at the time of the imperial arbitration.

  194. 194.

    Castronovo underlines the attempt to “find a new angle for the issue” when he compares Bagnasacco with Menochio. Whereas the great Lombard linguist tackles the problem from a Romanist angle, negating the feudal nature of the dispute and analysing the succession problem on the basis of fideicommissum, it is clear that B. adopted a different orientation, insisting on the ‘feudal’ nature of the dispute: “quod Marchionatus Montisferrati fuit, et est, feudum nobilum et antiquum Sacri Romani Imperi” (40r) (Castronovo 1963, 254).

  195. 195.

    Again according to Castronovo, “here shows an own ability to piece together, distinct from preceding attempts. He gives centre stage to a logical reasoning, according to which the inheritance of an imperial fief such as the marquisate of Montferrat should first of all be examined iure feudi ex tenore investiturae et ipsius feudi natura, and only in the second place iure etiam pactis et contentionis specialis” (Castronovo 1963, 254).

  196. 196.

    Favre 1617, 498. Cf. Jochen, Otto. 2001. Favre (Faber), Antoine. In Stolleis, Michael (ed.), Juristen: ein biographisches Lexikon; von der Antike bis zum 20. Jahrhundert, 207. München: Beck (2nd ed.).

  197. 197.

    See Merlin, Pierpaolo, and Ieva, Frédéric. 2016. Prefazione. Una guerra di dimensione europea. In Merlin, Pierpaolo, and Ieva, Frédéric (eds.), Monferrato 1613. La vigilia di una crisi europea, 9–11. Roma: Viella, and Merlin, Pierpaolo. 2016. Il Monferrato. Un territorio strategico per gli equilibri europei del Seicento. In Merlin, Pierpaolo, and Ieva, Frédéric (eds.), Monferrato 1613. La vigilia di una crisi europea, 15–29. Roma: Viella. Rivero Rodríguez 2016, 47–63.

  198. 198.

    Bombín Perez, Antonio. 1975. La cuestión de Monferrato (16131618). Vitoria: Colegio Universitario de Àlava, 62. Merlin 2016, 16–18.

  199. 199.

    In particular, it was emphasised that this was the way the Spanish Court would behave: “the unity of the family would be given priority as well as the prevalence of the bloodline”. The young Savoy infantes were still raised and educated at the Court of Madrid, as had been the case with Emmanuel Philibert (Rivero Rodríguez 2016 [as n. 27] 59ff, and Osborne, Toby. 2002. Dynasty and Diplomacy in the Court of Savoy: Political culture and the Thirty Years’ War. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press).

  200. 200.

    The appeal “ad serenissimos reipublicae christianae principes ac moderatores universos” served also to underline the virtues and merits of Charles Emmanuel of Savoy, which had to be acknowledged by one and all, just like his inalienable rights the vindication of which had been in the waiting for many decades (Favre 1617, 3–32).

  201. 201.

    The first document featured was the 967 diploma (Favre 1617, 1–3); followed by an investiture of 1190 (4–5), the dowry agreement of 1330 (13), some letters of Emperor Sigismund of 1431 (20–23) and many other documents, some transcribed in their entirety, others partially.

  202. 202.

    Cf. for instance Favre 1617, 494: “alia eiusdem sententiae iniquitas tertio loco occurrit in eo quod…”; Favre 1617, 496 “sed gravior alius et evidentior iuris error in eo fuit, quod…”.

  203. 203.

    Rivero Rodríguez 2016, 62.

  204. 204.

    Although the Duchy of Brittany had already been annexed to the Kingdom of France a few years before, Philip II did not recognise this union, and having to accept the fact that his first-born, a daughter, could not aspire to the French crown on account of the Lex salica exclusion, he attempted this political ‘move’. The succession claims on this duchy derived from Isabella Clara Eugenia’s side, as she was the daughter of the King of Spain and Elisabeth of Valois, daughter of Henry II of France. As noted above, Annibale Moles and Francisco Alvarez de Ribera expressed their views on this.

  205. 205.

    Voet, Melchior (Ioannis Iulio-montensis). 1617. De successione iuliacensi, clivensi, Montensi, Marcana et Ravenspurgensi discursus Vstudio et opera Ioannis Iulio-montensis. Francofurti: Typis Egenolphi Emmelii.

  206. 206.

    The following too wrote about the same dispute: the Jesuit Albert von Curzt, he too using a pseudonym, Lucius Veronensis: von Curtz, Albert. 1646. Dissertatio de successione in jura et ditiones Juliae, Cliviae, Montium, Marchiae, Ravenspergae, etc. Editio emendata. s.n; Peil, Johan. 1615. Discursui utcunque iuridico super praenobili et celeberrima successione Iuliacensi utri principum hodie competat oppositi anti-dicursus vere, ut inscribitur, iuridici, apodixis sive Refutatio. Francofurti: Typis Emmenianis Impensis.

  207. 207.

    This is affirmed by the author in his letter of dedication: “audeam in controuersia, quae de re ardua, difficili, et multis modis intricata, nimirum, successione Iuliacensi, Cliuensi, et Montensi, cum suis pertinentiis, inter primas et potentissimas Imperij Romani, Familias, Electorales et Ducales, nunc vertitur, sententiam meam omnibus public notam facere”. Voet 1617, 2r.

  208. 208.

    The conflict was between the Elector of Brandeburg and the Palatine Count of Neuburg (Robert, Francois, and Masson de Morvilliers, Nicolas. 1795. Dizionario di geografia moderna dell’Enciclopedia metodica di Parigi tradotto in italiano con aggiunte notabili, e correzioni 1.2 Roma: dal Desiderj, Cleves (ducato di), 75–76.

  209. 209.

    Closely connected with the case of Montferrat is, for instance, the succession war on Mantuan Ducate, in 1628 (cf. Parrot 1997).

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Valsecchi, C. (2018). Consilia and Dynastic Successions in Modern Europe. In: di Renzo Villata, M. (eds) Succession Law, Practice and Society in Europe across the Centuries. Studies in the History of Law and Justice, vol 14. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76258-6_14

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