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Conclusion: The Impact of Campaigns’ Professionalism on the Democratisation Process in Egypt

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Campaign Professionalism during Egypt’s 2012 Presidential Election

Part of the book series: Political Campaigning and Communication ((PCC))

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Abstract

This book indicates the levels of professionalism adopted by the candidates in the 2012 presidential elections in Egypt may have impacted upon the outcome. Previous chapters explained how the readiness of both Morsi and Shafiq to adopt some ‘professionalised’ techniques was behind their success in the first round of elections, with Morsi’s campaign proving to be the most ‘professional’, helping him in securing his path towards Egypt’s presidency, to be the first elected president after the 25 January Revolution and the first elected president in a very unpredictable first multi-candidate election in Egyptian history. This chapter aims to conclude the study by discussing the implications of the levels of campaign professionalism on the democratisation process in Egypt. The chapter concludes that professionalism—as applied by Morsi’s campaign—had a negative impact on Egypt’s democratic transition in general, as it led Egypt to be stuck in its transitional period, rather than moving to a functional emerging thin democracy. The chapter argues that this was mainly due to Morsi’s performance once elected. The chapter also provides an evaluation of the application of the professionalisation index in order to understand campaigns in nascent democracies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Thin democracies can be defined according to the minimalist definition of democracy which is ‘free competition for a free vote’ (Schumpeter 1943: 271). This was not the case of Egypt in the transitional period, as there was no ‘free competition for a free vote’. In the transitional period, there was no elected president or elected representatives in parliament or even a constitution. For more information on different types of democracies and wider definitions, see Chap. 2.

  2. 2.

    Stories on the project in Muslim Brotherhood media outlets were much more plentiful. However, it was difficult to find them on their Arabic website now. The author is not sure if it is a technical problem or if they were removed deliberately. However, stories about the Nahda project are still available on their English outlets.

  3. 3.

    For a list of Muslim Brotherhood appointed officials in various institutions, see Al-Masry Al-Youm investigative report on 14 February 2013. The report shows with names the Muslim Brotherhood monopoly over various institutions including 19 governorates, ministries, unions, various councils, and public bodies. http://www.almasryalyoum.com/news/details/286656.

  4. 4.

    Part of the broadcast meeting where Al-Nour’s leader mentioned his concerns: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=LncLJYV8AyQ

    https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=xOfHPdyLVBQ.

  5. 5.

    For example, Nas Book programme on Rotana Masriya channel uploaded on YouTube on 10 June 2012 available from: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=tHDCugwhWhg and Al-Sada Al-Mohtaramon programme on OnTV channel, uploaded on YouTube on 18 March 2013 available from: https://youtu.be/o1Lz7ylfA28.

  6. 6.

    Bassem Youssef hosted the Al Bernameg (Show), a satirical news programme, considered to be the Egyptian version of the American programme ‘Daily Show’ by Jon Stewart. Part of the episode commenting on the meeting discussed can be viewed on: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=_yxVREd4nn8.

  7. 7.

    The parliament already reconvened but the session did not exceed 12 minutes. See Al-Masry 11 July 2012.

  8. 8.

    According to Egyptian law, the attorney general/general prosecutor cannot be removed by the president.

  9. 9.

    For more details, see the constitutional declaration in Ahram Online 22/11/2012. And for more explanation on the crisis, see BBC News 24 December 2012.

  10. 10.

    For more details about the torturing process, see Al-Masry Al-Youm Newspaper special coverage on 7 December 2012 which is also available on its English version website ‘Egypt Independent’ on 7 December 2012.

  11. 11.

    For a detailed description for these incidents, see Trager 2016: 137–144.

  12. 12.

    There is a list of similar controversial statements and nonunderstandable statements said by Morsi, Egyptians often recall to make jokes of.

  13. 13.

    Gad (2014) disapproved this argument by comparing the number of votes with Christians registered in these areas. For more information, see Gad 2014: 102–109.

  14. 14.

    Mohammed al-Beltagi, the Secretary General of the Freedom and Justice Party, the political arm of the Muslim Brotherhood group, said that 60% of those protesting at Ittihadiyah are Christians. Safwat Hegazy, the Salafist Islamic figure, said they were 80%. For more info, see Gad 2014.

  15. 15.

    For chronological order of full events during Morsi’s era, see Jadaliyya 22 July 13. For detailed analysis of these events and their role in ending Morsi’s rule, see Trager 2016.

  16. 16.

    For more info, see BBC News 1/7/13.

  17. 17.

    Egypt witnessed a sort of elections in miniature amid the French Expedition in 1798. In this period, Napoleon Bonaparte tried to play the role of the Saviour who can save Egyptians from their bad conditions under the rule of the Ottoman Empire. He formed two general assemblies whose members could be elected only via indirect elections by another committee formed of 14 members. In Ismail’s pasha era, mainly in 1866, Egypt witnessed its first parliamentary elections, where Egyptians were able to vote through direct elections. However, it limited the right to run for elections to the elite only.

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Elsheikh, D. (2018). Conclusion: The Impact of Campaigns’ Professionalism on the Democratisation Process in Egypt. In: Campaign Professionalism during Egypt’s 2012 Presidential Election. Political Campaigning and Communication. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75954-8_5

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