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Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty pp 31–48Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

From Family to Politics: Queen Apollonis as Agent of Dynastic/Political Loyalty

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Part of the book series: Queenship and Power ((QAP))

Abstract

Dolores Mirón explores the agency of a Greek Hellenistic Queen, Apollonis (wife of Attalus I, and mother of Eumenes II and Attalus II of Pergamon), both in the construction of the dynastic image as a harmonious loyal family, and in the settlement of bonds of friendship and loyalty between monarchy and cities, inside and outside the kingdom. This agency points out how Attalid monarchy acted as the power of a family, how the Attalids used kinship in diplomacy, and how political loyalty to the kings was ultimately loyalty to a dynasty. In this sense, bonds of loyalty favored by Apollonis were at the same time dynastic and political, and her actions must be understood as political.

This paper is part of the background studies of the project “Género y arquitectura en la sociedad romana Antigua: matronazgo cívico en las provincias occidentales” (I+D FEM2014-53423-P), financed by the Spanish Ministry of Economy and Competitiveness.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Abbreviations of ancient authors, works, and collections of documents are those used by the Oxford Classical Dictionary; abbreviations of journals are those found in L’Année Philologique, available at http://www.annee-philologique.com/files/sigles_fr.pdf. This is, at least, the way they represented themselves, and were portrayed by ancient literature (mainly Roman or pro-Roman); the Attalids had in general good relations with Rome. On the image of the Attalids, see Erich Gruen, “Culture as Policy. The Attalids of Pergamon,” in From Pergamon to Sperlonga, ed. N.T. de Grummond and B.S. Ridgway (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 17–31; Elizabeth Kosmetatou, “The Attalids of Pergamon,” in A Companion to the Hellenistic World, ed. Andrew Erskine (Oxford: Blackwell, 2003), 159–74; Peter Thonemann, “The Attalid State, 188–133 BC,” in Attalid Asia Minor, ed. Peter Thonemann (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 1–47; Biagio Virgilio, Gli Attalidi di Pergamo (Pisa: Giardini, 1993). On the Attalid kingdom in general, R.E. Allen, The Attalid Kingdom (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1983); Esther W. Hansen, The Attalids of Pergamon (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1971). Particularly on their relations with the cities of Asia Minor, see the synthesis of Ivana Savalli-Lestrade, “Les Attalides et les cités grecques d’Asie Mineure au IIe siècle a.C.,” in Les cités d’Asie Mineure Occidentale au IIe siècle a.C., ed. Alain Bresson and Raymond Descat (Paris: De Boccard, 2001), 77–81.

  2. 2.

    See Rolf Strootman, “Kings and Cities in the Hellenistic Age,” in Political Culture in the Greek City After the Classical Age, ed. Onno M. van Nijf and Richard Alston (Leuven: Peeters, 2011), 141–53. The case of Antiochus III is illustrative; see John Ma, Antiochos III and the Cities of Western Asia Minor (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000). On the king as benefactor, Klaus Bringmann, “The King as Benefactor: Some Remarks on Ideal Kingship in the Age of Hellenism,” in Images and Ideologies: Self-definition in the Hellenistic World, ed. Anthony W. Bulloch et al. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 8–25.

  3. 3.

    Jim Roy, “The Masculinity of the Hellenistic King,” in When Men Were Men. Masculinity, Power and Identities in Classical Antiquity, ed. Lin Foxhall and John Salmon (London: Routledge, 1998), 111–35.

  4. 4.

    Kosmetatou, “Attalids”; Thonemann, “Attalid State,” 30–44.

  5. 5.

    On Apollonis and her image, see Anne Bielman, “Régner au féminin. Réflexions sur le reines attalides et séleucides,” in L’Orient Méditerranéen de la mort d’Alexandre aux campagnes de Pompée, ed. Francis Prost (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mireil, 2003), 45–61; Dolores Mirón, “La reina Apolonis y Afrodita: divinidad, poder y virtud en la Grecia helenística,” in Hijas de Eva. Mujeres y religión en la Antigüedad, ed. Eduardo Ferrer and Álvaro Pereira (Sevilla: Universidad de Sevilla, 2015), 69–95; Herman Van Looy, “Apollonis reine de Pergame.” Ancient Society 7 (1976): 151–65; Virgilio, Attalidi, 44–52.

  6. 6.

    While living: Telmessus (Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 211–12, no. 7); Aetolia (IG IX,11 1:179); Athens (OGIS 248); sanctuary of Apollo Claros in Colophon (BCH 30 [1906]: 349–58); Lydia (TAM V, 1 690); Pergamon (OGIS 292). After death: Hierapolis (OGIS 308); Metropolis (IEphesos 3048); Teos (OGIS 309); hinterland of Pergamon (Helmut Müller and Michael Wörrle, “Ein Verein im Hinterland Pergamons zur Zeit Eumenes’ II,” Chiron 32 (2002): 191–235).

  7. 7.

    For example: Daniel Ogden, Polygamy, Prostitutes and Death. The Hellenistic Dynasties (London: Duckworth, 1999), 201–2; Thonemann, “Attalid State,” 30–44; Claude Vatin, Recherches sur le mariage et la condition de la femme mariée à l’époque hellénistique (Paris: De Boccard, 1970), 100–7; Virgilio, Attalidi, 44–52.

  8. 8.

    The literature on Hellenistic queens is nowadays immense. On the origin, significance, functions and image of the basilissa, see especially Stefano Caneva, “La face cachée des intrigues de cour,” in Des femmes en action. L’individu et la fonction en Grèce antique, ed. Sandra Boehringer and Violaine Sebillotte-Cuchet (Paris: EHESS, 2013), 87–100; Elizabeth Carney, “Being Royal and Female in the Early Hellenistic Period,” in Creating a Hellenistic World, ed. Andrew Erskine and Lloyd Llewellyn-Jones (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2010), 195–220; Id., King and Court in Ancient Macedonia (Swansea: Classical Press of Wales, 2015), 1–26; Ivana Savalli-Lestrade, “Il ruolo pubblico delle regine ellenistiche,” in Historie. Studi offerti a Giuseppe Nenci, ed. Salvatore Alessandri (Puglia: Congedo, 1994), 415–32; Id., “La place des reines à la cour et dans le royaume à l’époque Hellénistique,” in Les femmes antiques entre sphère privée et sphère publique, ed. Regula Frei-Stolba et al. (Bern: Peter Lang. 2003), 59–76.

  9. 9.

    Savalli-Lestrade, “Place des reines,” 73.

  10. 10.

    An aspect especially highlighted by Thonemann, “Attalid State,” 30–44.

  11. 11.

    As is underlined by Polybius (18.41.10) concerning Attalus I. Until then, the Attalid rulers had been childless, and power passed from uncle to nephew. See Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 181–9.

  12. 12.

    OGIS 308; 248 l. 41–6. On the education of Attalid princes, see Víctor Alonso, “La paideia del príncipe y la ideología helenística de la realeza,” Gerión Anejos 9 (2005): 185–204.

  13. 13.

    Eumenes was around 25 years old, and Athenaeus around 18. Cf. Van Looy, “Apollonis,” 155–6.

  14. 14.

    Polybius (20.22.3) says that she survived her husband for a long time. She died during the reign of Eumenes II, but the exact date is unknown. She was alive in 175/4 (OGIS 248, l. 56–7). In an inscription, dated in 168–164, from the hinterland of Pergamon she is mentioned as thea, so the latest date for her death is 164 BC (Müller and Wörrle, “Verein,” 194). She was probably alive in 166, the date proposed for an inscription from Andros that mentions the basilissai, necessarily Stratonice and Apollonis (before divinization and still alive) (IG XII Suppl. 250; François Queyrel, Les portraits des Attalides (Paris: De Boccard, 2003), 35).

  15. 15.

    There was only one other queen in Pergamon: Stratonice, daughter of Ariarathes IV of Cappadocia, initially wife of Eumenes II and later of Attalus II. Her first marriage occurred after 174, since she is not named in the documentation before this date. Cf. Helmut Müller, “Königin Stratonike, Tochter des Königs Ariarathes,” Chiron 21 (1991): 396–405, contra Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 200–6.

  16. 16.

    In the Telephus frieze, the mother, Auge, played a key role; in the Gigantomachy frieze, female figures outnumber male, and there is a repeated representation of sons fighting alongside their mothers. See Burkhard Fehr, “Society, Consanguinity and the Fertility of Women,” in Conventional Values of the Hellenistic Greeks, ed. Per Bilde et al. (Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1997), 48–66; François Queyrel, L’Autel de Pergame (Paris: Picard, 2005), 126–8.

  17. 17.

    Modern historians have tended, nevertheless, to consider it a non-political marriage. Roger B. McShane (The Foreign Policy of the Attalids of Pergamum (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1964), 26–7) denies its diplomatic effects, but at the same time reveals its positive effects on the relationship of Attalus I and the poleis. Thonemann (“Attalid State,” 38) speaks of “love-match;” and Ogden (Polygamy, 201) of “bourgeois marriage.” The “love-match” has been refuted convincingly by Michel Sève, “Cyzique et les Attalides,” in Cyzique, cité majeure et méconnue de la Propontide antique, ed. Michel Sève and Patrice Schlosser (Metz: Centre Régional Universitaire Lorrain d’Histoire site de Metz, 2014), 154–7.

  18. 18.

    Van Looy, “Apollonis,” 153.

  19. 19.

    McShane, Foreign Policy, 87–8.

  20. 20.

    Sève, “Cyzique,” 155–6.

  21. 21.

    See especially Strabo’s description (12.8.11), and Michel Sève, Cyzique, cité majeure et méconnue de la Propontide antique, edited by Michel Sève and Patrice Schlosser (Metz: Centre Régional Universitaire Lorrain d’Histoire site de Metz, 2014).

  22. 22.

    See Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 58; Hansen, Attalids, 39; and especially Sève, “Cyzique”.

  23. 23.

    Philetaerus, founder of the dynasty, sought friendship with Cyzicus. OGIS 748; CIG 3660; Louis Robert, Études anatoliennes (Amsterdam: Adolf M. Hekkert, 1937), 201.

  24. 24.

    Sève, “Cyzique,” 156–7.

  25. 25.

    For instance, the historian Neanthes (Ath. 699d; FHG III, pp. 2–9, frag. 7) and the sculptor Stratonicus (Ath. 682b; Plin. HN 33, 55; 34, 84). See Madalina Dana, “Cyzique, une cité au carrefour des réseaux culturels du monde grec,” in Cyzique, cité majeure et méconnue de la Propontide antique, edited by Michel Sève and Patrice Schlosser (Metz: Centre Régional Universitaire Lorrain d’Histoire site de Metz, 2014), 203–5, 210; Hansen, Attalids, 375, 403–4. Among the philoi of the Attalid kings, the largest group, after the Pergamenes, could be from Cyzicus. See Ivana Savalli-Lestrade, “Courtisans et citoyens: le cas des philoi attalides,” Chiron 26 (1996): 153, n. 13. Cyzicene citizens were involved in diplomatic activities between Pergamon and Athens (IG II2 955). See Christian Habicht, “Athens and the Attalids in the Second Century BC,” Hesperia 59 (1990): 567–8.

  26. 26.

    Princes used to be brought up together with other boys. See Miltiades B. Hatzopoulos, “Syntrophos: un terme technique Macédonien,” Tekmeria 13 (2015–16): 57–70.

  27. 27.

    Polyb. 32.15.10; OGIS 331; IPergamon 248; RC 65–7. See Savalli-Lestrade, “Courtisans,” 160, n. 45.

  28. 28.

    See Elizabeth Carney, Olympias, Mother of Alexander the Great (London: Routledge, 2006), 50–1; Savallí-Lestrade, “Courtisans”; Strootman, “Kings,” 147–50.

  29. 29.

    See Christopher P. Jones, Kinship Diplomacy in the Ancient World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1999); Lee E. Patterson, Kinship Myth in Ancient Greece (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010).

  30. 30.

    Hansen, Attalids, 39; Thonemann, “Attalid State,” 91.

  31. 31.

    On these epigrams and the temple, there is extensive research and intense debate. A lengthy analysis is beyond the aims of this paper. In my opinion, perhaps the most comprehensive study is Françoise-Hélène Massa-Pairault, “Il problema degli stilopinakia del templo di Apollonis a Cizico. Alcune considerazioni,” Annali della Facoltà di Lettere e Filosofia di Perugia 19 (1981–82): 147–219. For the state of the question, see Queyrel, Portraits, 24–7; Sève, “Cyzique,” 157–62.

  32. 32.

    On the mechanisms and forms of collective memory in the Greek world, see Simon Price, “Memory and Ancient Greece,” in Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World, ed. Beate Dignas and R.R.R. Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 15–36.

  33. 33.

    Massa-Pairault, “Stilopinakia,” 189.

  34. 34.

    Strabo 14.1.6. In a letter thanking the Ionian League for the honors bestowed upon him, Eumenes II presents himself as “benefactor of all the Greeks”, and mentions his kinship with the Milesians through Cyzicus, i.e. through his mother (OGIS 763, l. 65; RC 52).

  35. 35.

    Polyb. 5.77.2–6. See Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 45–57; Peter Herrmann, “Antiochos der Grosse und Teos,” Anadolu 9 (1965): 100–5.

  36. 36.

    Herrmann, “Antiochos,” 33–6, 157–9; Ma, Antiochos, no. 17 and 19B.

  37. 37.

    See Donald W. Baronowski, “The Status of the Greek Cities of Asia Minor After 190 BC,” Hermes 119 (1991): 455–6, n. 10.

  38. 38.

    OGIS 309; Robert, Études, 9–20.

  39. 39.

    These questions have been discussed at greater length in Mirón, “Apolonis,” 82–90.

  40. 40.

    Mirella Romero, Cultos marítimos y religiosidad de navegantes en el mundo griego antiguo (Oxford: Hadrian, 2000), 84, 95.

  41. 41.

    On the epithet Apobateria and Apollonis’s association with Aphrodite, see especially Louis Robert, “Nouvelles inscriptions d’Iasos,” Revue des études anciennes 65 (1963): 314–16. On the marine nature of Aphrodite, see Denise Demetriou, “Tes pases nautilíes phylax: Aphrodite and the Sea,” Kernos 23 (2010): 67–89.

  42. 42.

    As kataibates (“who descends”), epibaterios (“who embarks”) or embaterios (“who enters”). See Robert, Études, 314–16; Kenneth Scott, “The Deification of Demetrius Poliorcetes (II),” AJPh 49 (1928): 165.

  43. 43.

    Plut. Demetr. 10.4: Scott, “Deification,” 164–6.

  44. 44.

    The Teian Dionysiac festival attained panhellenic character under the impulse of Antiochus III. From the mid-third century, Teos was also the headquarters of the influential Association of Dionysiac artists of Ionia and the Hellespont. See Jonathan R. Strang, “The City of Dionysos: A Social and Historical Study of the Ionian City of Teos” (PhD dissertation, State University of New York, 2007). Eumenes II, as previously had Antiochus III, favored the association, and united it to the Pergamene Association of Dionysus Cathegemon; both were fundamental for the development of Attalid ruler cult (IPergamon 163; IG XI 4, 1136 + 1061). See Allen, Attalid Kingdom, 103–4, 148–53; Hansen, Attalids, 421–5, 460–3; Brigitte Le Guen, “Kraton, Son of Zotichos: Artists’ Associations and Monarchic Power in the Hellenistic Period,” in Greek Theatre and Festivals, ed. Peter Wilson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 246–78. The cult of Dionysus Cathegemon was already important during the reign of Attalus I in connection with the royal family. See Beate Dignas, “Rituals and the Construction of Identity in Attalid Pergamon,” in Historical and Religious Memory in the Ancient World, ed. Beate Dignas and R.R.R. Smith (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 135.

  45. 45.

    Herrmann, “Antiochos,” 33–42; Ma, Antiochos, no. 17 and 18. On the cults of Antiochus and Laodice in Teos, see also Stefano G. Caneva, “Queens and Ruler Cults in Early Hellenism: Festivals, Administration, and Ideology,” Kernos 25 (2012): 75–101; Angelos Chaniotis, “La divinité mortelle d’Antiochos III à Téos,” Kernos 20 (2007): 153–71.

  46. 46.

    Ma, Antiochos, no. 18, l. 64–72.

  47. 47.

    As noted in Herrmann, “Antiochos,” 61–2.

  48. 48.

    See Dolores Mirón, “Las ‘buenas obras’ de las reinas helenísticas: benefactoras y poder político,” Arenal 18 (2011): 243–75; Savalli-Lestrade, “Ruolo”.

  49. 49.

    OGIS 224, l. 5–7; RC 36. The Teian decree praises also her devotion towards the gods (Ma, Antiochos, no. 18, l. 73).

  50. 50.

    See Marie Widmer, “Pourquoi reprende le dossier des reines hellénistiques? Le cas de Laodice V,” in Egypte–Grèce–Rome. Les différents visages des femmes antiques, ed. Florence Bertholet et al. (Bern: Peter Lang, 2008), 63–92. On the self-representation of the Seleucids as a harmonious family, see also Carney, “Being Royal,” 205.

  51. 51.

    Gillian Ramsey, “The Queen and the City: Royal Female Intervention and Patronage in Hellenistic Civic Communities,” Gender & History 23 (2011): 510–27.

  52. 52.

    Ma, Antiochos, no. 17, l. 39.

  53. 53.

    Ma, Antiochos, no. 19D.

  54. 54.

    SEG 26, 1226; Ma, Antiochos, no. 26A.

  55. 55.

    Alice Bencivenni, “The King’s Words: Hellenistic Royal Letters in Inscriptions,” in State Correspondence in the Ancient World, ed. Karen Radner (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 155–8; Ma, Antiochos, 182–94.

  56. 56.

    Ma (Antiochos, 248–9) has noted that the Attalid kings had a way of relating with cities similar to Antiochus III, including the figure of the queen.

  57. 57.

    On the sanctuary in the Hellenistic period and the intervention of Apollonis, see Markus Kohl, “Le sanctuaire de Déméter à Pergame et son culte,” NAC 38 (2009): 139–67; Dolores Mirón, “Maternidad, poder y arquitectura: la impronta de la reina Apolonis en el urbanismo de Pérgamo,” in Matronazgo y Arquitectura. De la Antigüedad a la Edad Moderna, ed. Cándida Martínez and Felipe Serrano (Granada: Universidad de Granada, 2016), 27–64; Cornelie Piok Zanon, “The Sanctuary of Demeter at Pergamon: Architecture and Dynasty in the Early Attalid Capital” (PhD dissertation, University of Pittsburgh, 2009); Christine M. Thomas, “The Sanctuary of Demeter at Pergamon: Cultic Space for Women and Its Eclipse,” in Pergamon Citadel of the Gods, ed. Helmut Koester (Harrisburg: Trinity Press International, 1998), 277–98.

  58. 58.

    AM 35 (1910), no. 24. See Piok Zanon, Sanctuary, 141, who points out parallels with other donations of women. See also Anne Bielman, “Female Patronage in the Greek Hellenistic and the Roman Republican Periods,” in A Companion to Women in the Ancient World, ed. Sharon L. James and Sheila Dillon (Oxford: Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 238–48; Mirón, “Buenas obras”.

  59. 59.

    AM 35 (1910): no. 22–3.

  60. 60.

    BÉ 1971, no. 538.

  61. 61.

    The decree of Hierapolis praises Apollonis’s conduct towards her daughter-in-law. The queens had a joint priestess in Teos; also in Pergamon as theai eusebeis (AM 33 [1908]: 375–9).

  62. 62.

    Kohl, “Sanctuaire,” 152–4; Thomas, “Sanctuary,” 287–8.

  63. 63.

    As indicated by the epithet of Demeter and Kore, the votive deposits and the architectural configuration of the sanctuary. See Kohl, “Sanctuaire”; Piok Zanon, Sanctuary; Thomas, “Sanctuary”.

  64. 64.

    It was not exceptional for a queen’s euergesia to be used for the benefaction of women or promotion of gender roles, as the above mentioned case of Laodice III in Iasos. See Mirón, “Buenas obras”.

  65. 65.

    Piok Zanon, Sanctuary, 151–2. On the integration of the sanctuary in Pergamene urbanism and its meaning, Mirón, “Maternidad,” 50–9.

  66. 66.

    Date proposed by Kohl (“Sanctuaire,” 148–50); and Piok Zanon (Sanctuary, 136–44).

  67. 67.

    See the observations of Carney, King, 1.

  68. 68.

    See Carney, “Being Royal,” 203.

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  1. University of Granada, Granada, Spain

    Dolores Mirón

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  1. Department of History, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, USA

    Caroline Dunn

  2. Department of History, Clemson University, Clemson, SC, USA

    Elizabeth Carney

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Mirón, D. (2018). From Family to Politics: Queen Apollonis as Agent of Dynastic/Political Loyalty. In: Dunn, C., Carney, E. (eds) Royal Women and Dynastic Loyalty. Queenship and Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75877-0_3

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