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Cultural Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Social Capital and Intergroup Relations in Diverse Communities

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The Role of Community Development in Reducing Extremism and Ethnic Conflict

Abstract

The current chapter explores how a focus on sociocultural factors (e.g., cultural practices, values) might improve our understanding of the relationship between ethnic/racial diversity and social capital as well as related factors (e.g., social cohesion, intergroup relations) among major groups in the United States. Specifically, the chapter will examine the extant literature on the cultural dimensions of the relationship between diversity on social capital and related phenomena (e.g., social cohesion, intergroup relations) among major groups in the United States (e.g., African/Black Americans, Asian Americans). The central question explored is: What role do cultural factors have on the relationship between different aspects of diversity and social capital among diverse groups? Prior to examining the extant literature on cultural factors associated with the major groups, the chapter will take a critical look at the literature on diversity and social capital and focus on key confounding factors. Thus, a major goal of the current chapter is to disentangle ethnic and cultural diversity from each other as well as from broader contextual factors (e.g., neighborhood disadvantage).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Although there are distinctions between ethnicity and race, the two will be used interchangeably in the present chapter. Ethnicity will be used for the most part, as it is perhaps less controversial than race. Ethnicity refers to group membership based on a shared common social, cultural, and linguistic heritage, and ancestry (Berry, 2006a).

  2. 2.

    Although complex, multifaceted, and problematic in several ways, social capital has commonly been defined as the characteristics and resources that exist among networks of individuals (Cheong, Edwards, Goulbourne, & Solomos, 2007; Putnam, 2007; Portes & Vickstrom, 2011; van der Meer & Tolsma, 2014).

  3. 3.

    Although diversity and immigration are distinct (Lancee & Schaeffer, 2015; Laurence & Heath, 2008; Putnam, 2007), both anti-diversity and anti-immigrant attitudes and sentiment are characterized by negative societal reactions regarding cultural differences, ethnocultural marginalization and rationalization of inequality, and resulting strong sense of nationalism (Bonilla-Silva, 2004).

  4. 4.

    The greater the cultural differences between groups during the intercultural adaptation process, the greater the difficulties in intergroup relations as well as for the acculturating individual (Berry, 2006a, 2000b).

  5. 5.

    Research has found that in-group collectivistic practices and values are significantly positively associated with religiosity (religious devotion and centrality) at the societal level (Gelfand, Bhawuk, Nishi, & Bechtold, 2004).

  6. 6.

    The current chapter may have implications for other Western societies; however, scholars have pointed out the uniqueness of the United States with respect to ethnic diversity and social cohesion (e.g., van der Meer & Tolsma, 2014).

  7. 7.

    Although this chapter focuses primarily on scholarship conducted primarily in the United States, it will also draw on relevant scholarship from other Western societies.

  8. 8.

    Although “neighborhoods” typically refer to relatively small geographical or areal units defined administratively (e.g., US Census Bureau block groups; Diez Roux, 2003, 2007), I will use this term and “community” interchangeably unless a specific work referenced has operationalized neighborhood differently (e.g., US Census Bureau tract or county). Note, van der Meer and Tolsma (2014) found mixed support for diversity and social cohesion.

  9. 9.

    This is in contrast to the contact hypothesis , which maintains and has empirically demonstrated that diversity is beneficial and leads to positive social outcomes (e.g., Allport, 1954; Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006).

  10. 10.

    Using a community ethnic diversity index, the mean Herfindahl index, which gives the likelihood that any two randomly selected individuals will be from the same group.

  11. 11.

    This study utilized agent-based modeling and used a dissimilarity index to derive integrated versus segregated neighborhoods.

  12. 12.

    Neighborhood was measured with an administrative areal unit, which consists of an average of 7200 residents.

  13. 13.

    They used the Simpson Reciprocal Index of Diversity (Simpson, 1949), which is similar to the Herfindahl index reported previously.

  14. 14.

    cf. bonding versus bridging social capital (Putnam, 2007).

  15. 15.

    Yet even these communities were interested in and concerned with conserving their communities by seeking assistance from leaders.

  16. 16.

    This finding came from the Social Capital Community Benchmark Survey (SCCBS). However, less integrated compared with more integrated neighborhoods were associated with more civic engagement (i.e., participation in voluntary organizations) and higher levels of social integration or cohesion (e.g., social trust, social belonging) among European Americans (Oliver & Ha, 2008).

  17. 17.

    Community was operationalized with an administrative areal unit, which consists of a minimum of 5000 and an average of 7200 residents.

  18. 18.

    Maly distinguishes these unplanned diverse communities from “diverse-by-design” communities.

  19. 19.

    See Koopmans et al. (2015) for a thorough list of possible explanations, and van der Meer and Tolsma (2014) for a theoretical/conceptual model linking these various factors, which includes factors such as anomie, based on their review of the ethnic diversity and social cohesion literature.

  20. 20.

    Perhaps the most robust evidence for the contact hypothesis comes from a meta-analysis of 515 studies conducted in different countries and societies (Pettigrew & Tropp, 2006).

  21. 21.

    See related sociological work that discusses similar processes and conditions on the development of panethnicity, which is on the rise in the United States (Okamoto & Mora, 2014). Panethnicity involves the maintenance of a specific in-group identity (Chinese American) and a superordinate identity (e.g., Asian American), and is achieved through a sense of cultural ties, solidarity, respect for diversity, and/or the need to address a common concern or issue (Okamoto & Mora, 2014), which at times is achieved through concerted efforts by leaders (cf. Maly, 2005; Walton & Hardebeck, 2016; Warren et al., 2001).

  22. 22.

    The Global Leadership and Organizational Behavior Effectiveness (GLOBE) Research Program.

  23. 23.

    Furthermore, I-C has a long history in human societies as well as in cultural psychology, and has been shown to be related to a host of individual, group, and societal phenomena (Gelfand et al., 2004; Kitayama et al., 2007; Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Oyserman, Coon, & Kemmelmeier, 2002; Triandis & Gelfand, 2012). However, other cultural dimensions are theoretically relevant and important.

  24. 24.

    These, in turn, have been argued to undermine individual and societal well-being as well as social capital.

  25. 25.

    Social capital has been argued to be and often treated as a property of the collective rather than of individuals (e.g., Putnam, 2000).

  26. 26.

    When this policy is strongly enforced, it is more like a “pressure cooker” (Berry, 2006a).

  27. 27.

    It is important to note that lower human capital associated with certain immigrant groups may also impact societal attitudes toward these groups (Koopmans, 2013).

  28. 28.

    Refer to the Elephant Chart in Milanovic (2016) for data linking global inequality with migration and the rise of nationalism in developed countries, for instance.

  29. 29.

    See, for instance, an online discussion on a White nationalist website (https://www.stormfront.org/forum/t120656-2/), wherein members admonish one another to avoid “bad arguments” such as conflating immigrants with immigration, adding that it is the latter not the former that is “harmful to our society.”

  30. 30.

    For this reason, social capital must be clearly and critically defined as well as disentangled from cultural differences, societal biases, and prejudices.

  31. 31.

    These difficulties can be exacerbated by hostile or negative societal integration attitudes and policies (e.g., Cheong et al., 2007; Koopmans et al., 2015; Maly, 2005; Nguyen, 2006; van der Meer & Tolsma, 2014).

  32. 32.

    This may be more an issue upon initial contact and with immigrant populations that have not developed a dual identity (e.g., Brazilian versus Brazilian American).

  33. 33.

    Nor do these constitute the only identity management strategies (Ellemers & Haslam, 2012).

  34. 34.

    However, see Maly (2005) on the intentional role of outside forces in a community’s ethnic composition and thus intergroup relations.

  35. 35.

    For civic engagement/participation, individual interest and catalysts for such participation are more proximal (Verba, Schlozman, & Brady, 1995 as cited in Oliver & Ha, 2008).

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Hoffman, A.J., Alamilla, S., Liang, B. (2018). Cultural Perspectives on Ethnic Diversity and Social Capital and Intergroup Relations in Diverse Communities. In: The Role of Community Development in Reducing Extremism and Ethnic Conflict. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75699-8_5

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