Abstract
This chapter, like the others, starts with an introduction to the theoretical background of this approach applied to the two case studies, arguing that history and institutions are fundamental for understanding the current political outcomes in domestic politics. This is done through a presentation of four subvariables: the history of state formation and its institutions, the nature of citizens’ rights, the history of discrimination against ethnic minorities, and the institutionalization of ethnicity with the creation of so-called ethnic democracies. Then the chapter analyzes the case studies to search for evidence. The conclusion drawn is that even if nationalism and institutions assumed different forms in Turkey, there remains the fact that nationalist and exclusive institutions created a path dependency. By contrast, for Indonesia the more open nationalism and more inclusive institutions dating to the beginning of its independence opened the door to more decentralization and autonomization.
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Notes
- 1.
Kathleen Thelen and Sven Steinmo, “Historical institutionalism in comparative politics,” in Structuring politics. Historical Institutionalism in comparative analysis, ed. by Sven Steinmo, Kathleen Thelen, and Frank Longstreth, Chapter 1, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992, p. 1/32): p. 2.
- 2.
Sumanto Al Qurtuby, “Interethnic Violence, Separatism and Political Reconciliation in Turkey and Indonesia,” India Quarterly 71(2) (6/2015): p. 129.
- 3.
Rogers Brubaker, Nationalism reframed: Nationhood and the national question in the New Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1996). Tomas Hammar, Democracy and the Nation-State: Aliens, Denizens, and Citizenship in a World of International Migration (Aldershot: Avebury, 1990).
- 4.
Stuurman, Citizenship and cultural differences in France and the Netherlands, 2004.
- 5.
Adrian Vickers, A History of Modern Indonesia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2005).
- 6.
Senem Aslan, Nation-Building in Turkey and Morocco. Governing Kurdish and Berber Dissent (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014).
- 7.
Ibid., p. 4.
- 8.
Juan Linz and Alfred Stepan, Problems of democratic transition and consolidation: Southern Europe, South America and Post-Communist Europe (Baltimore: John Hopkins University Press, 1996). Sammy Smooha, “The model of ethnic democracy: Israel as a Jewish and democratic state,” Nations and nationalism, 8 (4) (October 2002): 475–503.
- 9.
Ibid., p. 499.
- 10.
Oded Haklai, “Regime transition and the emergence of ethnic democracies,” Ch. 2 in Jacques Bertrand and Oded Haklai (eds.) Democratization and Ethnic Minorities: Conflict or Compromise? (Abingdon: Routledge, 2014), p. 22.
- 11.
To notice that ethnic democracies are not a transitional phase between authoritarianism and liberal democracies, as they can endure and even going backwards, if they don’t develop sufficient pluralism and substantive advancements of minority or communal rights, as we are seeing today in Turkey.
- 12.
Bernard Lewis, The Emergence of Modern Turkey (New York: Oxford University Press, 2001).
- 13.
The reforms were executed starting with the Imperial Reform Edict (hatt-ı hümayun) in 1856, which promised equality in education, government appointments, and administration of justice to all regardless of creed.
- 14.
William Cleveland, A History of the Modern Middle East (Boulder: Westview Press, 2004).
- 15.
Sener Akturk, “Religion and Nationalism: Contradictions of Islamic Origins and Secular Nation-Building in Turkey, Algeria, and Pakistan,” Social Science Quarterly, Volume 96, Number 3 (September 2015): 778–806.
- 16.
Edward Schneier, Muslim Democracy: Politics, Religion and Society in Indonesia, Turkey and the Islamic World (New York: Routledge, 2016), p. 25.
- 17.
Jus soli and jus sanguinis are two different principles of nationality law, two different ways of obtaining citizenship in a country. In the first case, citizenship is determined by place of birth, in the second by having one or both parents as citizens of that state, which confers rights to ethnic citizens and their descendants (as in the majority of the states in the world, apart from the Americas, for the obvious reason of being the Western Hemisphere land of immigration).
- 18.
Accessed September 30, 2017, http://genckaya.bilkent.edu.tr/1921C.html.
- 19.
Accessed September 30, 2017, http://www.anayasa.gen.tr/1961constitution-text.pdf.
- 20.
Accessed September 30, 2017, http://usefoundation.org/view/871.
- 21.
Cited by Marlies Casier and Joost Jongerden, Nationalisms and politics in Turkey: Political Islam, Kemalism, and the Kurdish issue (New York: Routledge, 2011): p. 4.
- 22.
Stephen Kinzer, Crescent and Star: Turkey between two worlds (New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2008).
- 23.
Heper for example argues that the theory of acculturation is more suitable than that of assimilation in the Kurdish case in Turkey, given the centuries of amicable relations between the state and the Kurds. See Metin Heper, State and Kurds in Turkey: The Question of Assimilation (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007).
- 24.
Denise Natali, The Kurds and the State: Evolving National Identity in Iraq, Turkey and Iran (Syracuse: Syracuse University Press, 2005).
- 25.
President Sukarno’s speech, “The birth of Pancasila” June 1, 1945, in Clive J. Christie, Southeast Asia in the Twentieth Century (New York: Tauris, 1998): pp. 135–136.
- 26.
Ibid.
- 27.
See on this Handoyo Puji Widodo and Aan Erlyana Fardhani, “The language rights of indigenous languages: An approach to maintaining Indonesia’s linguistic and cultural diversity,” in Quynh Lê and Tao Lê (ed.) Ch. 12 in Linguistic diversity and cultural identity: A global perspective (New York: Nova Science Publishers, 2011).
- 28.
Pisani, Elizabeth, Indonesia, Etc.: Exploring the Improbable Nation (New York: Norton, 2015).
- 29.
Dave McRae, “A discourse on separatists,” Indonesia No. 74 (Oct., 2002) (Ithaca: Southeast Asia Program Publications at Cornell University) pp. 37–58.
- 30.
Sumanto Al Qurtuby, “Interethnic Violence, Separatism and Political Reconciliation in Turkey and Indonesia,” India Quarterly 71(2) (6/2015): 126–145.
- 31.
Widodo and Fardhani, 2011, p. 131.
- 32.
The Youth Pledge was a declaration made on October 28, 1928, by young Indonesian nationalists (among whom was Sukarno) during the “Indonesian national awakening” that culminated in Indonesian independence.
- 33.
Ibid., p. 132.
- 34.
Daniel Lev, The Transition to Guided Democracy: Indonesian Politics 1957–1959 (Sheffield: Equinox Publishing, 2009).
- 35.
John Bowen, “Normative Pluralism in Indonesia: Regions, Religions, and Ethnicities,” in Multiculturalism in Asia, edited by Will Kymlicka and Baogang He (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005): pp. 152–169.
- 36.
Jacques Bertrand, Nationalism and ethnic conflict in Indonesia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2004).
- 37.
Kristian Stokke, Olle Törnquist, Gyda Marås Syndre, “Conflict Resolution and Democratization in the aftermath of the 2004 Tsunami: A Comparative Analysis of Aceh and Sri Lanka,” Power, Conflict and Democracy in South & Southeast Asia, 1(1–2), (2009): 129–149.
- 38.
Olle Törnquist, “Dynamics of peace and democratization. The Aceh lessons,” 2011, p. 829.
- 39.
Vedi R. Hadiz, Localising Power in Post-Authoritarian Indonesia: A Southeast Asia Perspective (Palo Alto: Stanford University Press, 2010).
- 40.
Michelle Ann Miller, “What’s special about special autonomy in Aceh?,” in Verandah of violence: the background to the Aceh problem, ed. by Anthony Reid, Singapore: Singapore University Press, 2006, p. 292–324.
- 41.
Nils Ole Bubandt, “Vernacular security: Governmentality, traditionality and ontological (in)security in Indonesia,” Danish Institute for International Studies, Working Paper 24, 2004.
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Geri, M. (2018). Historical Institutionalism: Nationalism, Institutions and Citizenship of Ethnic Minorities. In: Ethnic Minorities in Democratizing Muslim Countries. Minorities in West Asia and North Africa. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-75574-8_7
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