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Political Ramifications of Some Shifts in Nigeria’s Pentecostal Movement

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Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa

Part of the book series: African Histories and Modernities ((AHAM))

Abstract

The Pentecostal movement in Nigeria, as elsewhere in the global South, demonstrates an astonishing diversity. In some cases, the characteristics that set sections of the movement apart from the others indicate evolutionary tendencies that herald the possibility of complete transformation. In this chapter, Kolapo examines some documented shifts within a leading sector of Nigeria’s urban Pentecostal movement. He analyzes some political implications of these evolutionary tilts and assesses their relationship to Nigeria’s democratic project. The chapter discusses the paradox of a mixed positive liberalist socioeconomic impact on the substantive as well as aspiring middle-class membership of the leading sectors of the movement, an impact that nevertheless hints at a host of democracy challenging political outcomes, the latter being the principal object that the chapter seeks to highlight.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    D. Martin, Tongues of Fire: The Explosion of Protestantism in Latin America (New Jersey: Wiley-Blackwell, 1990); Timothy Samuel Shah, “The Bible and the Ballot Box: Evangelicals and Democracy in the ‘Global South’.” SAIS Review 24.2: 2004, 117–132; R. Marshal, “Power in the Name of Jesus: Social Transformation and Pentecostalism in Western Nigeria Revisited” in T. Ranger and O. Vaughan, (eds.) Legitimacy and the state in twentieth century Africa (London: Macmillan, 1993); David Maxwell, “Durawall of faith—Pentecostal spirituality in neo-liberal Zimbabwe,” Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol. 35 (Fasc.1): 2005, 4–32. L. Togarasei, “Modern Pentecostalism as an Urban Phenomenon: The Case of the Family of God Church in Zimbabwe,” Exchange 34.4: 2005, 349–375.

  2. 2.

    Paul Gifford, African Christianity: Its public role (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1998), 324, 333–334, 341; Donald E. Miller and Tetsunao Yamamori, (eds.) Global Pentecostalism: The New Face of Christian Social Engagement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007), 4–5.

  3. 3.

    Martin, Tongues of Fire, ix.

  4. 4.

    Ibid., 108.

  5. 5.

    Shah, “The Bible and the Ballot box”, 119.

  6. 6.

    Richard Burgess, “Pentecostals and Politics in Nigeria and Zambia: An Historical Perspective,” in Martin Lindhardt, (ed.) Pentecostalism in Africa: Presence and Impact of Pneumatic Christianity in Postcolonial Societies (Leiden: Boston Brill, 2014), 291–321.

  7. 7.

    Ogbu Kalu, African Pentecostalism: An Introduction (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008), 199–201.

  8. 8.

    Ruth Marshall, Political Spiritualities: The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria (Chicago IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009), 187.

  9. 9.

    Ogbu Kalu, Power, poverty, and prayer: the challenges of poverty and pluralism in African Christianity, 1960–1996 (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 2006), 164.

  10. 10.

    Ibid. I do not see how it goes together with “the trenchant criticism of the state not only in words but in action.” And while members of the RCCG, Winner’s Chapel International, and so on are members of the Pray For Nigeria Group, these churches tend, as autonomous institutions, to avoid direct political statements that could be interpreted to be partisan, nor do they identify specific political agents, agency, or act to deploy a thought-out set of political policies to effect a clear political goal.

  11. 11.

    Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (Yale: Yale University Press, 1990).

  12. 12.

    Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance, 19–21, 183.

  13. 13.

    As an example of such infrapolitics, Bishop David Oyedepo of the Winner Chapel International has been reported to have rained curses on evil actors in the Nigerian socio-political state, such as the Boko Haram, Islamic jihadist terrorists of northeast Nigeria, on several occasions, and going as far as declaring that “God should break up Nigeria now if it is His will.” Declaring that “God sent me as His apostle of liberation to this continent to stop it from decadence,” he declared “every occultic root, every political root of this uprising cursed,” to thunderous affirming echoes of Amen. My view is that Oyedepo’s declamation against Boko Haram was clearly not offensive to the government, nor indeed to Muslims, who by then had become the largest victims of Boko Haram. However, the declamation included significant items of discontentment and frustration in the contested fractured geopolitical and ethnoreligious terrain of Nigeria. In the heat of the declaration, he queried “Must the north continue to rule?” and, alluding to the contestation of census population figure between the north and the south around which revenue allocation and other major national political decisions are made by government, he proclaimed, “All those zeros census they are fake. Where are the human beings?” “Where are they? We go around the place.” Now these statements are widely publicized and the video, which still remains available on the internet, has circulated widely. The national daily that broke the news, with the social media simply reproducing it, associated it with the Southern Kaduna killing (considered Muslim against Christian), though it was a declaration that had occurred two years earlier in the context of Boko Haram first directing its terror against Christian churches in the north of the country.

    Because of the media broadcasting of the news across the country and the specific geopolitical element in the declaration, the social media and news outlets were soon flooded with negative comments about the bishop reportedly fueling the Christian–Muslim fight by asking the Christians to take up arms and fight to kill their attackers. This quickly forced him to make a lengthy statement through the chairman of his church’s editorial and media board denying the allegation and misrepresentations in the reporting. The first point is that the church and the movement generally are comfortable engaging in a discussion of generalized issues, especially when they involve Christian–Muslim relations, but strive as much as possible to not be seen as directly confronting the government. Second, the mediatization of the curse message and circulation nationwide indicate the complex relationship of religion and politics. Third, the quick response by the church’s official to the media publicity around it to the effect that the media misrepresented the issue and imputed to it what the bishop did not mean, showing how much care they take not to cross any red lines. See, “Oyedepo: I made those remarks in the heat of Boko Haram crisis,” TheCable. January 14, 2017. URL: https://www.thecable.ng/oyedepo-made-remarks-heat-boko-haram-crisis.

  14. 14.

    A number of excellent studies have outlined the origins of Pentecostalism in Nigeria and of the shifts it has witnessed in doctrine, praxis, and demography, and in the rapid blossoming of the neo-Pentecostal movements. These include Kalu, African Pentecostalism; O. Adeboye, ‘“Arrowhead” of Nigerian Pentecostalism: The Redeemed Christian Church of God, (2007), 1952–2005’, Pneuma vol. 29 (1): 24–58, and Danny McCain “The Metamorphosis of Nigerian Pentecostalism. From Signs and Wonders in the Church to Service and Influence in Society” in Miller, Donald E., Kimon Howland Sargeant, Richard W. Flory, (eds.) Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism (New York: Oxford University Press, 2013), 161–182; and Ukah detailing the pietistic strictures of the RCCG before its transformation into a nee-Pentecostal model in “God Unlimited”, 182–194. See also Marshall, Political Spiritualities, 66–91 for a detailed discussion of the changeover and the leading Pentecostal organizations involved.

  15. 15.

    Paul Gifford, “Prosperity: A New and Foreign Element in African Christianity,” Religion 20, (1990) 373–388; P. Gifford, African Christianity: Its Public Role, (London: Hurst & Co, 1998) 40, 64, 70, 322; Asonzeh Ukah, African Christianity: Features, Promises and Problems, Working Papers Nr. 79, Institut für Ethologie und Afrikastudien, Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz 2007, p. 13; on one side, and on the other, Kalu, Power, Poverty, and Prayer, 134–135; African Pentecostalism, 12–17; David Martin, “The Global Expansion of Radical Primitive Christianity,” The Princeton Seminary Bulletin 26, no. 1 (2005), 111–122; Afe Adogame, “Reconfiguring the Global Religious Economy The Role of African Pentecostalism” in Miller, Sargeant and Flory, (eds.) Spirit and Power, 186–203.

  16. 16.

    See Paul Gifford, “Unity and Diversity within African Pentecostalism: A Comparison of the Christianities of Daniel Olukoya and David Oyedepo” in Lindhardt, (ed.) Pentecostalism in Africa, 115–135.

  17. 17.

    Musa A. B. Gaiya, The Pentecostal Revolution in Nigeria, Occasional Paper, (Centre of African Studies, University of Copenhagen, July 2002), 17–19.

  18. 18.

    Isabelle V. Barker, “Charismatic Economies: Pentecostalism, Economic Restructuring, and Social Reproduction” New Political Science, Vol. 29 No.4 (December 2007), 416 Footnote 32. The focus in the literature on these big churches has generally served to assimilate the multiple thousands of smaller one-man Pentecostal churches, some starting off with no more than a pastor and his family, into the mould of the visible ultra-rich and media-savvy megachurches that dominate the brand, probably unfairly. The dynamics of social and economic implications of the relationships and rituals that define these smaller autonomous churches have not been the focus of study, yet much anecdotal evidence constitutes them into more than 50% of the panorama of the neo-Pentecostal movement especially in Nigeria, but also in other African countries. A glimpse of this type of church is provided in Karen Lauterbach’s “Wealth and Worth: Pastorship and Neo-Pentecostalism In Kumasi,” Ghana Studies vol. 9 (2006), 91–121.

  19. 19.

    RCCG (Redeemed Christian Church of God), Family Worship Centre, Latter Rain Bible Church, Christ Redemption (Bible Mission) Church, House on the Rock, The Apostolic Church, NTCM (New Testament Christian Mission), Deeper Life Bible Church, The Church of Christ, Christian Pentecostal Mission, Winner’s Chapel International, Dominion Church, Mountain Movers Fire Ministry, CAC (Christ Apostolic Church), and Christ United Church.

  20. 20.

    Gifford, “Prosperity. A New Foreign Element,” 20, 373–388. Another popular rendering of the same message is found in Karl Maier’s book, This House Has Fallen: Nigeria in Crisis (Cambridge, MA: Westview Press, 2000), 264:

    • Career success, wealth, status in society, good marriages, plentiful children, even “miracle houses” all await those who accept Jesus through the Faith Tabernacle. The message is that the Lord expects his followers to enjoy material prosperity, and those who embrace the church, Oyedepo says, shall rise from “the dunghill to the palace.”

  21. 21.

    Steven Brouwer, Paul Gifford, and Susan Rose, Exporting the American Gospel (New York: Routledge, 1996), 179; Barker, “Charismatic Economies”; Olufunke Adeboye, “Pentecostal Challenges in Africa and Latin America: A Comparative Focus on Nigeria and Brazil,” Afrika Zamani, Nos.11 & 12 (2003–2004), 137.

  22. 22.

    Nimi Wariboko, “Pentecostal Paradigms of National Economic Prosperity in Africa,” in Katherine Attanasi and Amos Yong, eds. Pentecostalism and Prosperity: The Socio-Economics of the Global Charismatic Movement (US: Palgrave Macmillan, 2012), 43.

  23. 23.

    Martin, Tongues of Fire; Julius Gathogo, “The challenge of money and wealth in some East African Pentecostal Churches,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 37. 2 (September 2011), 133–151; R. M. Aboko, “Ask and you shall be given” Pentecostalism and the Economic Crisis in Cameroon (African Studies Centre, the Netherland 2007), 2; R. Andrew Chesnut, “Prosperous Prosperity: Why the Health and Wealth Gospel is Booming across the Globe” in Attanasi and Yong, eds. Pentecostalism and Prosperity, 215.

  24. 24.

    Chestnut, “Prosperous Prosperity”, 215.

  25. 25.

    Ibid.

  26. 26.

    Reported by Jacques Theron, “Money Matters in Pentecostal Circles,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 37.2 (September 2011), 14.

  27. 27.

    Damaris Seleina Parsitau and Philomena Njeri Mwaura, “God in the city: Pentecostalism as an Urban Phenomenon in Kenya,” Studia Historiae Ecclesiasticae, 36.2 (October 2010), 95–112.

  28. 28.

    Bishop Dr. Chris E. Kwakpovwe, Our Daily Manna July—September 2017: A Devotional Book for Champions (Pronoun, Jun 23, 2017) Entry for Day 17, September 2017. [Accessed by the author on December 1, 2017, via Google Books.]

    The phrasing of the messages in the MPM devotion book mirrors the Pentecostal theology of the MFM variety, hence its focus was on Grace helping to “stop” adherents’ “battles and EVERY SATANIC EMBARRASSMENT.” It thus tempers the operation of this grace with a dual positive/negative conditionality. Other versions that I have seen on the internet, and that have circulated on social media, are shorn of any caveats. Such bare versions are found on the Facebook profile pages of one Rev. Fr Emmanuel Obimma—Ebube Muonso, Spiritual Director, Holy Ghost Adoration Ministry, Anambra State Nigeria at https://www.facebook.com/Rev-Fr-Emmanuel-Obimma-Ebube-Muonso-1420483874906395/ posted on May 12, 2014 with 16 likes, 22 all-positive comments, and 2 shares; and of Adebayo Adeleke Immanuel https://www.facebook.com/adebayoadeleke.emmanuel dated October 22, 2015 with 11 likes, 2 comments (positive) and 2 shares. It is also found, posted Friday, January 6, 2017, on the blog of one Steve Omodecx, “Founder, the Blessed Family Ministry” Nairobi, Kenya, http://steveomodecxworld.blogspot.ca/2017/01/when-grace-speaks.html.

  29. 29.

    Ruy Llera Blanes narrates a case in Angola very similar to this elder’s of the contradictory “juxtaposition (and often intermingling) of law-abiding and law-bending strategies” in the relationship between membership of this movement and the rule of law:

    • A very old man … the main pastor and leader of the church … revered by thousands of followers … is [however] also a terrible driver … [On one] occasion, he missed the expected left turn in one of Luanda’s major arteries, and decided to correct this in the subsequent crossing, ignoring the road sign that forbade the move. And the sign was there for a good reason, since in his attempt to make the left turn, we realized that he did not have enough space to maneuver and needed a long time to remove his car from obstructing the lane, which eventually happened after a storm of honking and screaming all around us. Unfortunately for him, a transit police officer witnessed the operation and ordered him to stop the car on the side of the road as soon as he got out of the mess. The officer then proceeded to fine the pastor, but the latter protested, explaining that he was also a nurse by profession and that “you never know what can happen tomorrow; today you help me and tomorrow I can help you.” The police officer was unmoved, as if not listening to the pastor at all, and continued to write down the fine. Eventually he gave him the fine, told him to go to a bank to pay it, and left in a hurry. But he kept no receipt of the fine himself and, unlike many transit officers in Luanda, demanded no immediate compensation or gasosa (bribe) money. To my knowledge, the fine was never paid.

    In Ruy Llera Blanes “Politics of Sovereignty Evangelical and Pentecostal Christianity and Politics in Angola,” in Simon Coleman, (ed.) The Anthropology of Global Pentecostalism and Evangelicalism (New York: New York University Press, 2017), 202–203.

  30. 30.

    Asonzeh Ukah “The Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG), Nigeria. Local Identities and Global Processes in African Pentecostalism,” (Ph.D. Dissertation University of Bayreuth, Netherlands 2003); and his, “Those who trade with God never lose. The economics of Pentecostal activism in Nigeria” in Toyin Falola (ed.) Christianity and social change in Africa: Essays in Honor of J.D.Y. Peel (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2005), 253–274. See also his “God Unlimited: Economic Transformations of Contemporary Nigerian Pentecostalism” in Lionel Obadia and Donald C. Wood, (eds.) Research in Economic Anthropology Volume 31, The Economics of Religion: Anthropological Approaches (United Kingdom: Emerald Press, 2011), 187–216.

  31. 31.

    Ukah, “Those Who Trade,” 266.

  32. 32.

    Ibid., 262.

  33. 33.

    Ukah, “God Unlimited,” 200–201.

  34. 34.

    Asonzeh Ukah, “Piety and profit: accounting for money in West African Pentecostalism (Part 1)” DEEL 48 Nommers 3 & 4 (September & December 2007), 626; “God Unlimited,” 202–209; O. Adeboye, “RCCG. Arrowhead,” 43–45; see for example the Nigerian Monitor newspaper’s online headline, “EFCC Arrests Abuja Civil Servant Who Paid N60 m Tithe to Redeemed Church” in http://www.nigerianmonitor.com/efcc. Accessed October 1, 2017.

  35. 35.

    Barker, “Charismatic Economies,” 408–409.

  36. 36.

    Victor Azarya and Naomi Chazan, “Disengagement from the State in Africa: Reflections on the Experience of Ghana and Guinea,” in Peter Lewis. (ed.) Africa. Dilemmas of Development and Change (Boulder: Westview Press, 1998), 110–136.

  37. 37.

    Ibid., 123.

  38. 38.

    Wariboko, “Pentecostal Paradigms.”

  39. 39.

    Sam Adeyemi, We are the Government (Lagos: Pnuema Publishing, 2010), 7–8.

  40. 40.

    Chesnut, “Prosperous Prosperity”, 215.

  41. 41.

    Eric Patterson, “Religious Activity and Political Participation: The Brazilian and Chilean Cases,” Latin American Politics and Society 46. 4 (2005), 4–5; Miller and Yamamori, (eds.) Global Pentecostalism.

  42. 42.

    Gina Lende, “The rise of Pentecostal Power: Politics and Pentecostal Power in Nigeria and Guatemala,” (Ph.D. Thesis Oslo: MF Norwegian School of Theology), 122; Ukah, “Piety and Profit I”, 642.

  43. 43.

    Lende, “The rise of Pentecostal Power”, 15.

  44. 44.

    Ibid., 122–123; Ukah, “Piety and Profit I”, 642; and Danny McCain, “The Metamorphosis of Nigerian Pentecostalism: From Signs and Wonders in the Church to Service and Influence in Society” in Donald E. Miller, Kimon Howland Sargeant, & Richard Flory, (eds.) Spirit and Power: The Growth and Global Impact of Pentecostalism (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), 161–182.

  45. 45.

    Rupture is:

    • one of the major analytical concepts used to make sense of an important aspect of the Pentecostal life experience at the global and local levels. It is explained that on conversion to the Pentecostal faith, believers are radically repositioned away from their previous selves by disowning their preconvert ideology, mythology, culture, and tradition. They thus assume new personalities and identities as new creatures, sporting a modernist and go-getter orientation associated with neo-Pentecostal theologies and practice, with positive repercussions on economics and politics.

    In Femi J. Kolapo “Appraising the Limits of Pentecostal Political Power in Nigeria,” Journal of Religion in Africa 46 (2016), 380.

  46. 46.

    Paul Gifford, “Evangelical Christianity and Democracy in Africa: A Response,” Terence O. Ranger (ed.) Evangelical Christianity and democracy in the Global South (Oxford & New York: Oxford University Press, 2008), 227.

  47. 47.

    Richard Burgess, “Pentecostals and Politics in Nigeria and Zambia An Historical Perspective” in Lindhardt, (ed.) Pentecostalism in Africa: Presence and Impact, 310.

  48. 48.

    For instance, on two occasions within a 30-day period in 2006 when I was traveling between Ibadan and Lagos in an interstate taxi, I was part of a discussion among the passengers regarding the booming business of church in Nigeria when I was shocked by an idea that came up. This was that some rich Muslim clerics, seeing how lucrative it could be to run a church, had taken up proprietorship of churches. A woman fellow passenger in the car, who claimed one of the proprietors as her acquaintance, said that the “Alfa” sought out the young ambitious pastor and provided the fund that got the church ready and both agreed to share whatever proceeds came into the church during its services. The second person stated that he had heard of a business deal in which a rich Muslim person funded such a church and had actually sent a young man to a seminary for the purpose of becoming a certified pastor, even though both knew it was for no other reason than for money-making business. It is possible that this was a trope reflecting the negative view held by some people of the GOSPRO churches. Nonetheless, it speaks to the fact that the assumption is unrealistic that explains the actions, intentions, actions programs, tendencies, and the character of all units and all members of the Pentecostal churches on the basis of a new progressive, ethical, philosophical, or positive moral change emerging from being “born-again.”

  49. 49.

    John W. De Gruchy, “Theological Reflections on the Task of the Church In the Democratisation of Africa,” Paul Gifford, (Ed.) The Christian Churches and the Democratisation of Africa (EJ. Brill: Leiden & New York, 1995), 50, 51.

  50. 50.

    Shah, “The Bible and the Ballot box”, 119.

  51. 51.

    Ukah, “God Unlimited”, 190.

  52. 52.

    Per my calculation based on information on their RCCG website, its North American parishes now number 874, with 180 of them in Canada. In 2011 there were only 568. It has 863 in the UK, 45 in European countries and Faroe Islands excluding the UK, ten in Australia and four in South Korea. The MFN (Mountain of Fire and Miracles Ministries) is in 66 countries. Similarly, Living Faith Church Worldwide also currently has branches establishments in 65 countries.

  53. 53.

    I have not been able to confirm this information, and it might be no more than bombast by a member who was trying hard to highlight the achievements of the RCCG.

  54. 54.

    See especially the Comments section of Rev. Dr. Babatomiwa Moses Owojaiye’s blog entry, “Problems, Prospects and Effects of Health and Wealth Gospel in Nigeria (Part 1)”, Christianity In Africa, entry for January 16, 2010. URL: https://christianityinafrica.wordpress.com/2010/01/16/problems-prospects-and-effects-of-health-and-wealth-gospel-in-nigeria-part-1/.

  55. 55.

    Jacob K. Olupona, “A Response to Comments,” Journal of Africana Religions vol. 2, no. 4 (2014), 507.

  56. 56.

    What I describe for Nigeria, Paul Gifford has highlighted for Ghana; what he calls the “evolution of titles: from pastor, to general overseer, to bishop, even archbishop or even megabishop; from prophet to megaprophet”: Gifford, “Evangelical Christianity and Democracy”, 227.

  57. 57.

    Femi Aribisala narrates an interesting instance when the gift he sent to a pastor of his first Christian book publication was returned as unacceptable because he had addressed the parcel to “Pastor” rather than “Bishop.” After the proper title was affixed to the address and mailed back, the gift was accepted with a written acknowledgment. See Femi Aribisala, “Getting chieftaincy titles in the churches,” Article of Faith. Vanguard [Newspaper] January 17, 2016.

  58. 58.

    Mfonobong Nsehe, “The Five Richest Pastors In Nigeria,” Forbes, 6/07/2011 @ 12:22 PM Online URL: http://www.forbes.com/sites/mfonobongnsehe/2011/06/07/the-five-richest-pastors-in-nigeria/; see also, Owojaiye, “Problems, Prospects and Effects.”

  59. 59.

    See Eghes Eyieyien, “Of Nigerian pastors and private jets” Viewpoint. Vanguard November 23, 20128:06 PM. URL: https://www.vanguardngr.com/2012/11/of-nigerian-pastors-and-private-jets/; and Nsehe, “Wealthy Nigerians, Pastors Spend $225 million on Private Jets”, Forbes, May 17, 2011 @ 12:32 PM. Online URL: https://www.forbes.com/sites/mfonobongnsehe/2011/05/17/wealthy-nigerians-pastors-spend-225-million-on-private-jets/#7890fba13b44.

  60. 60.

    Ukah, “Piety and Profit”, 642–643. Not even the branches in Europe and North America are exempt from this lack of accounting to the membership on finances. See for example the case for Canada in, Dele Jemirade, “Reverse Mission and the Establishment of the Redeemed Christian Church of God (RCCG) in Canada,” M.A. Major Research Paper, (University of Guelph, 2012), 16.

  61. 61.

    Owojaiye’s blog, among thousands of similar ones, makes very insightful comments and engages in critical informed (academic) discussion on Prosperity Gospel and preachers in Nigeria. One of his blog entries, in two parts, saw him drawing together comments from what seem to be Christian members of Pentecostal churches about their negative assessment of what they characterized as patrimonial lack of distinction between church property and the leader’s personal resources, venality, crass materialism, and virtual robbery that some of the Prosperity preachers were perpetrating via their Gospel of Prosperity. See his “Problems, Prospects.”

  62. 62.

    This is privileged information from a Pentecostal member who discussed with me his knowledge about this issue regarding the leader of one of the big Nigerian GOSPRO churches.

  63. 63.

    The unyielding vehemence of support for every issue for which the GOSPRO churches are questioned in Nigeria’s news and social media is evidence of this.

  64. 64.

    John F. McCauley, “Africa’s New Big Man Rule? Pentecostalism and Patronage in Ghana” African Affairs, vol.112 Issue 446 (January 2013), 1–21. See also his “Pentecostals and Politics: Redefining Big Man Rule in Africa,” in Lindhardt, (ed.) Pentecostalism in Africa: Presence and Impact, 322–344.

  65. 65.

    McCauley, “Africa’s New Big Man Rule?” 13.

  66. 66.

    Ibid., 14.

  67. 67.

    Lauterbach’s “Wealth and Worth”, 97, 107.

  68. 68.

    Olupona “A Response”, 507.

  69. 69.

    David Lehmann, “The Miraculous Economics of Religion: An Essay on Social Capital”, 2008 Online URL: www.davidlehmann.org/david-docs-pdf/Unp-pap/mirac-ec-relig.pdf.

  70. 70.

    Ibid., 5.

  71. 71.

    Ibid., 6.

  72. 72.

    Ibid.

  73. 73.

    Nsikak Nseyen, “Adeboye reacts to OAP Freeze’s controversy on tithe [VIDEO]” Daily Post [Nigeria] November 6, 2017 URL http://dailypost.ng/2017/11/06/pastor-adeboye-reacts-oap-freezes-controversy-tithe-video/.

  74. 74.

    Lauterbach’s “Wealth and Worth”, 95.

  75. 75.

    Gifford, “Evangelical Christianity and Democracy”, 225.

  76. 76.

    As a public realm, it has structures that organize the lives of its denizens within a distinct geography and morality of space.

  77. 77.

    Peter Ekeh’s classic dual publics theory of postcolonial African societies complicated the regular Western-derived civil/public binary formulation of the political community, introducing the idea of two publics for Africa, one primordial and the other modern. Since then, other studies have come to support the idea of multiple publics in Africa, emphasizing that the political reality of the West cannot fairly be imposed on the terrain in Africa. See his “Colonialism and the Two Publics in Africa: A Theoretical Statement,” Comparative Studies in Society and History, Vol. 17, No. 1 (Jan. 1975), 91–112.

  78. 78.

    See Eghes Eyieyien, “Of Nigerian pastors and private jets.”

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Kolapo, F.J. (2018). Political Ramifications of Some Shifts in Nigeria’s Pentecostal Movement. In: Afolayan, A., Yacob-Haliso, O., Falola, T. (eds) Pentecostalism and Politics in Africa. African Histories and Modernities. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74911-2_13

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