Abstract
This chapter introduces the three central concerns of the project, namely: what is the nature of charismatic power in this context, why is it considered contentious by some in the wider community, and what can this study contribute to global understanding amidst the virulently contentious debates about the role of religion in the contemporary geo-political landscape? It provides a brief historical background of Islam in China and outlines a series of challenges for Islamic leadership in China and in the world at large. These include questions of unity, orthodoxy, personal quality (suzhi), and stability. It then provides a discussion of the theoretical approaches to the study of charisma and Sufi charisma specifically.
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Notes
- 1.
It should be noted that there are apparently two different styles for ‘seeking the Way’ in the Qadiriyya. One is to leave the family, practise austerities, and remain celibate (the gongbei systems that I studied acted this way). The other group marries, does not leave the family, and practises austerities (at home); this group is a minority and I had no contact with groups of this sort. The Gaoshan Gongbei in the Dongxiang acts in this way (Ma 1983, 2008).
- 2.
While I stress here the importance of charismatic embodiment in the case of the Qadiriyya, I do not deny that varying degrees of charismatic cultivation would exist in both systems of succession (by descent and by mystical recognition). It would however require a comparative study to determine to what degree and in what ways ‘charismatic’ cultivation differed amongst different Chinese Sufi orders.
- 3.
Unlike the Jahriyya who practised a more ‘transformationist’ and ‘militant’ Islam, the Qadiriyya sought resolution between the dictates of Chinese society and their practice of Islam through ‘ascetic withdrawal from the world’ (Gladney 1996, pp. 61–62).
- 4.
Bashir has argued that in describing Sufi solidarities, ‘network’ is a better term than ‘order’ because of its relative neutrality: ‘In my view, the use of order has led scholars to misapprehend the type of internal cohesion and discipline than can be attributed to the Sufi communities in question. Resisting this usage opens up the space to try to understand Sufi networks on their own terms, as examples of a form of sociality contingent on the particulars of the histories of Islamic societies’ (Bashir 2013, p. 11). While I note this important point, to sustain consistency and clarity between the work of others in this field and my own, I have decided to use ‘order’ throughout my discussion.
- 5.
While these are the four main Sufi orders, there are ‘myriad smaller menhuan and sub-branches due to ideological, political, geographical and historical differences’ (Gladney 2004, p. 128).
- 6.
Though not unusual elsewhere in the Muslim world, Lipman notes that the idea of ‘hereditary succession to religious, social and political authority fell on particularly fertile ground in China […] As a unique blend of Chinese and Sufi forms, the menhuan combined the appeal of prophetic descent with Chinese notions of family structure and socioeconomic competition’ (Lipman 1997, pp. 70–71).
- 7.
Matthew Erie has noted that Abd al-Qadir al-Jilani followed the Hanbali school of Sunni Islam, while the Qadiriyya in China followed the Hanafi school (Erie 2016, p. 136).
- 8.
The practice of dhikr amongst Qadiriyya has also varied, ranging from the ecstatic ‘loud’ and shaking versions to the silent (such as Qadiriyya in China).
- 9.
Nearly every Sufi order throughout the world, whether identifying as Sunni or Shi’a, traces its lineage to the Prophet Muhammad through Ali ibn Abi Talib (599–661 CE) , the cousin and son-in-law of the Prophet.
- 10.
In Shi’ism, Ali is seen as an intermediary between man and God and necessary for salvation. He had exclusive, divine right to the Caliphate. Moreover, Ali and the imams who ‘descend from him are beings of superhuman virtue possessing miraculous gifts and absolute spiritual and temporal authority’ (Glassé 1989, p. 34).
- 11.
Amongst all of my informants, xinjiao referred to the Yihewani and Salafiyya movements, while laojiao referred to the Sufi orders or Gedimu.
- 12.
Lipman has translated zhen as both ‘True’ and ‘Real’ (Lipman 2016, p. xvii). In a translation of Wang Daiyu’s Zhengjiao zhenquan published in 2017, Sachiko Murata consistently translates zhen as ‘Real’ rather than ‘True’, translating the work as ‘The Real Commentary on the True Teaching’ (Murata 2017, p. 1).
- 13.
In the process of legitimating and familiarising Islam to Muslims and non-Muslims in the Chinese world during the Qing Dynasty, several Chinese Muslim scholars found deep resonance with this Confucian discourse of self-cultivation. These texts became known as the Han Kitab. Notable scholars included Wang Daiyu (mid-seventeenth century), Ma Zhu (late seventeenth century), Liu Zhi (early eighteenth century), Yuan Guozuo (late eighteenth century), and Ma Dexin (mid-nineteenth century) (Lipman 2016, p. 5). Liu Zhi , in his introduction to The Nature and Principle of Islam first published in 1704, said ‘I suddenly came to understand that the Islamic classics have by and large the same purport as Confucius and Mencius’ (Murata et al. 2009, p. 73). The broad theme of self-cultivation that was so central to Confucianism found direct parallels in the Islamic tradition. The purpose of the syncretic works of Wang Daiyu (1573–ca. 1619) and Liu Zhi (born ca. 1617; date of death unknown) was both to make Islam known to non-Muslims in the Chinese context and to write for their ‘co-religionists, who did not have sufficient acquaintance with the Islamic languages to master Islamic thinking’ (Murata and Chittick 2000, p. 4). In these works, Islam is depicted in a completely non-Islamic idiom—in Chinese. As Murata has noted, ‘Anyone who reads these texts with a knowledge of the Chinese ambiance of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries can see that they are part of the ongoing discussion and debate among Chinese intellectuals concerning the nature of the quest for human perfection’ (Murata and Chittick 2000, p. 6).
- 14.
Ma Hucheng was the former Vice Minister of United Front Work Department of the Gansu Provincial Committee of the Chinese Communist Party (Huang 2016, p. 19).
- 15.
This is not to imply that what is unseen is necessarily untrue. Rather, I follow Lambek, who argues for a shift in the study of religion from Platonic binaries to the Aristotelian focus on the idea of phronesis (moral practice or judgement). Rather than the anthropological study of religion being reconstituted as ‘either the study of faulty beliefs about supernatural realms or an idealised mimetic identification with (and appropriation of) the knowledge and practices of our subjects’, Lambek argues that, under-scored by Aristotelian notions of morality and practice, it should be ‘an investigation of the historically situated, socially constituted imagination and realisation of meaningful ends, practical means, authoritative voice, dignified and virtuous agency, and reasoned as well as passionate submission’ (Lambek 2000, p. 318). Following Aristotle provides the opportunity to take an alternative route, ‘one which enables us to see the particular conjunction of contemplative thought, reasoned action (praxis), and creative production (poiesis) characteristic of any given social setting’ (Lambek 2000, p. 309).
- 16.
Buehler more frequently uses the term fayd to reference this spiritual force (Buehler 1998, p. 117). However in the local context of this study, baraka or baileketi in pinyin was the word used and thus why I use it throughout.
- 17.
In her book ‘Arguing Sainthood’, Katherine Ewing offers another account of the Sufi saint in the context of Pakistan. Her focus however is rather different to that of Werbner. Drawing on the history of religious politics in the region, Arabic and Persian textual sources, and theories from psychoanalysis, she offers a sophisticated and complex exploration of how competing ideologies are experienced at the individual level of the spiritual master. She argues that the subject of the master becomes the site of ‘conflicting desires and multiple subjective modalities […] oblivious to its own inconsistencies’ (Ewing 1997, p. 35). It is a very nuanced work and in the context of this study serves as a reminder of the multiple, complex, and potentially contradictory factors involved in the generation of Sufi charisma.
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Cone, T. (2018). Introduction: Islam, Sufism, and China. In: Cultivating Charismatic Power. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74763-7_1
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