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The Emergence of National Socialist Discourse

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National Socialism and German Discourse

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Abstract

This chapter describes the emergence of an ensemble of extreme nationalist ‘precursor’ discourses in German-speaking Europe originating particularly in the Napoleonic occupation, on which National Socialism drew following Germany’s defeat in 1918. It is argued that 1933 did not mark a significant caesura in German discourse history, unlike political history. Following von Polenz’s three-way distinction between the language of National Socialism, language in National Socialism, and language leading to National Socialism (“zum Nationalsozialismus hin”, von Polenz 1999, p. 547), it reviews right-wing discourses on nation, language and culture, and on the ‘Volk’ as a biological construct, rejecting the proposition that this constitutes evidence of a German “exterminationist mindset” (Goldhagen).

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Cf . Sauer 1989, p. 114; “Sprachlich gesehen gab es keine Wende” (“As far as language is concerned, there was no ‘turn’”).

  2. 2.

    The following section is indebted to von Polenz 1999, pp. 522–547.

  3. 3.

    A recurrent feature of this discourse, however, which persisted into the Nazi era, is the attempt to claim Goethe and Schiller , and other ‘greats’, as emblematic members of the racial ‘Volk’. Cf. Zeller et al. 1983.

  4. 4.

    Mark and Gau are terms for administrative areas, resuscitated also by German Romanticism in this period in the attempt to construct an ‘authentic’ world of experience located in an idyllic past.

  5. 5.

    Cf . von Polenz 1999, pp. 541–544. For a detailed study of anti -semitism in German literature and culture, see Robertson 1999, especially pp. 151–232.

  6. 6.

    Used transitively, ausscheiden can mean ‘excrete’.

  7. 7.

    For example in “Die Judenfrage als Frage der Racenschaedlichkeit” (1881). Cf . Dühring 1997, p. 228.

  8. 8.

    As Karl Kraus would later point out (see Chap. 4), this includes Gobbeles.

  9. 9.

    ‘Racial hygiene’ and the need to eliminate ‘non-viable’ forms of life were not specifically German at the turn of the twentieth century, they were widespread in Europe and North America. The term eugenics was coined by Francis Galton, Charles Darwin’s cousin, who founded the Eugenics Review in 1909. Cf. Gillham 2001.

  10. 10.

    On this topic, see especially Römer 1989, Hutton 1999, Lerchenmüller and Simon 1997. Several of the keywords in this section, and their relation to the ‘language of National Socialism’, are analyzed in Schmitz-Berning 2000.

  11. 11.

    ‘Racial hygiene’, for example, was not exclusive to the political right. Cf. Burleigh and Wippermann 1991, p. 36.

  12. 12.

    Robertson 1999, p . 182f., citing Volkov 1978.

  13. 13.

    Brooke’s words remind us that British public discourse also had its ‘ideas of 1914’. German suspicion and hostility were fully reciprocated. For example, William Le Queux’s prototypical spy novel The Invasion of 1910 (1906), serialized in Lord Northcliffe’s Daily Mail (along with publicity events such as actors in German uniform walking down Regent Street), fed on and intensified the already widespread fear of an ‘aggressively competitive’ Germany and its challenge to ‘legitimate’ British imperial interests. Le Queux’s earlier attempt at the genre, The Great War in England in 1897 (1894) had fed upon similar fears of France and (as did Conrad’s The Secret Agent (1907)) of Russia, but it was the anti-German novel of 1906 that proved the runaway best-seller, to be followed in 1909 by the non-fictional Spies of the Kaiser. The genre of ‘invasion literature’ in Britain, and specifically German invasion, goes back, significantly, to 1871 and George Tomkyns Chesney’s The Battle of Dorking. 1915 saw the publication of John Buchan’s The Thirty-Nine Steps , and widespread anti-German riots following the sinking of the Lusitania. Popular hostility to all things German was presumably one of the motivations (alongside the Russian Revolution) for George V’s proclamation in 1917 changing the name of the British royal family from Saxe-Coburg-Gotha to Windsor.

  14. 14.

    “Aufruf Wilhelms II., ‘An das deutsche Volk’”, 6.8.1914. Deutsches Historisches Museum (Stand 05.08.2014.): [https://www.dhm.de/lemo/bestand/objekt/schmuckblatt-mit-der-rede-wilhelms-ii-zum-kriegsbeginn-1914.html] (18.2.2017). Franz Joseph, “An meine Völker!”, 28.7.1914 [http://www.uibk.ac.at/zeitgeschichte/zis/library/rauchensteiner.html] (18.2.2017 ). Von Polenz (1999, p. 525, following Schmidt 1998) points to the discursive continuities between these first-person declarations of 1914 and a series of proclamations from 1813, 1849, 1861, 1866, 1871 and 1888 in which rulers address their subjects.

  15. 15.

    http://www.nernst.de/kulturwelt.htm (1.4.2017). For a critical study see Ungern-Sternberg 1996.

  16. 16.

    Mann 1914. For a fuller treatment of this aspect of Mann’s position, see Reed 1996, p. 186ff.

  17. 17.

    For a fuller account of this relationship, see Dodd 2015a.

  18. 18.

    Presumably the first Battle of the Aisne, 13–28 September, which followed the Battle of the Marne, 5–12 September, generally considered to have gone in the Allies’ favour.

  19. 19.

    The book was published in instalments. The passage quoted here is from the “Fourth Book”, which closes on 23 September 1914.

  20. 20.

    References to this essay are to Chamberlain 1915, pp. 24–35. Some of these essays were first published in journals. The book sold 160,000 copies in the first six months (Field 1981, p. 390) and earned an enthusiastic response from the Kaiser (Urbach and Buchner 2004, p. 132f.). An English translation with an ironic Introduction appeared in 1915 under the title The Ravings of a Renegade.

  21. 21.

    Urbach and Buchner 2004, p. 142. The preface to the book is dated 28 October 1914. Beyond the evidence of this exchange, the precise details of the relationship between Engel and Chamberlain remain unclear.

  22. 22.

    For a summary account, cf . Robertson 1999, pp. 169–171.

  23. 23.

    See Brömsel 2015. On Chamberlain’s anti-Jewish discourse, see Lobenstein-Reichmann 2005, 2008. Chamberlain’s Foundations had been accorded a brief, and unfavourable mention in Engel 1906, p . 2503.

  24. 24.

    Friedrich Schiller , “Deutsche Größe”, cf. Schiller 2004, p. 737.

  25. 25.

    On colonialism in German discourse in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, cf . Rash 2011, 2012, 2017; Horan et al. 2013.

  26. 26.

    These are the dates of the first editions. They were constantly expanded in subsequent editions. Deutsche Stilkunst reached its thirty-first edition in 1931, Sprich Deutsch! its fortieth in 1923, Entwelschung its fifth in 1929. These works constitute a significant corpus of the discourse on language in the 1920s.

  27. 27.

    For further discussion on this point with reference to the present day, see the debate between Jürgen Schiewe and Thomas Paulwitz, reported in Dodd 2015b.

  28. 28.

    For surveys in English, see Gay 1969, Kaes et al. 1994, Peukert 1992, Williams 2011. Recent discourse-historical studies in German include Eitz and Engelhardt 2015 and Kämper et al. 2014.

  29. 29.

    The process of undermining the historical role of German Jews in the war effort dates back to the decision in 1916, supported by the Kaiser, to carry out a census (Judenzählung) to establish how many German Jews were fighting at the front as the war was perceived to be going badly. Cf. Angress 1978.

  30. 30.

    van den Bruck 1923. He was also chief editor of the Piper Verlag “Complete Works” of Dostoevsky which introduced the Russian author as a pan-Slavist to German readers during the First World War. Cf. Dmitri Mereschkowski’s Introduction to the Politsche Schriften (Dostojewski 1917). Cf. also Dodd 1992, pp. 20–23.

  31. 31.

    van den Bruck 1923, p . ix. On the history of the term, see Berning 1964, p. 55; Schmitz-Berning 2000, pp . 156–160 ; Eitz and Stötzel 2007, pp . 135–141.

  32. 32.

    For a detailed study, see Woods 1997, pp. 111–134.

  33. 33.

    For a discussion of this thesis, see Hung 2016 (p. 452 on the “semantic weapon”). The most prominent contemporary commentator on Nazi aesthetics was Walter Benjamin, cf . Benjamin 1936.

  34. 34.

    References in this section are to Hitler 1934. A useful overview is Zentner 1974. For studies in English of rhetoric and metaphor in Mein Kampf, see Mieder 1997, Rash 2006.

  35. 35.

    Cf. von Polenz 1999, p . 545; Bering 1991. In a campaign carrying many characteristics of what has recently been called ‘post -truth’ discourse, Goebbels habitually referred to Weiss as Isidor, reducing him to a racial stereotype which was gleefully received by National Socialists, anti-semites, and the criminal classes of Berlin, for whom the taunt served as a rallying call. Weiss’s protestations simply increased their shared enjoyment at his discomfiture. In pointing out that his name was not Isidor, Weiss drew renewed attention to his Jewishness. On the ‘fate’ of names, see Bering 1987. The political discourse of the 2016 presidential election in the USA would throw up an even more radical variation on this theme, in the widespread speculations about Barack Obama’s nationality and possible Muslim identity.

  36. 36.

    Tucholsky left Germany in 1929, settling in Sweden, where he committed suicide in 1935. Ossietzky , like Mühsam , was arrested in February 1933. He was awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1935, and died in 1938 from the effects of incarceration in Esterwegen concentration camp.

  37. 37.

    Mühsam was imprisoned in 1920 as a member of the failed Munich Workers’ Republic, released in 1924 under the same amnesty that released Hitler , arrested in February 1933, and murdered in Oranienburg concentration camp in 1934. His story “Die Affenschande” (1923, The Ape Scandal) satirized Nazi racial theories.

  38. 38.

    The majority of contributions in this journal are anonymous or pseudonymous. Identifiable authors of anti-Nazi articles include Sternberger , Günter Dallmann, F. M. Reifferscheidt and Werner Thorman. Cf. Dodd 2007, p. 130f; Prümm 1982.

  39. 39.

    Equivalent German terms include ‘Leerformel’ (Topitsch 1960; von Polenz 1999, p . 63) and ‘Vexierwort’ (Teubert 1989).

  40. 40.

    For a detailed analysis, see Dodd 2007, pp. 134–139.

  41. 41.

    ‘Corrosive’ here does not capture the literal meaning of ‘fressen’, which denotes animals eating. The image invoked is of a poisonous creature eating away at the body.

  42. 42.

    Cf. Gift wie Gift behandeln (Dühring ), discussed above.

  43. 43.

    For a detailed analysis, see Dodd 2007, pp. 139–145, 303–308.

  44. 44.

    Terms appearing in small capitals here are headwords in this “Lexicon”.

  45. 45.

    Tucholsky 1975, Bd . 9, p. 182. The analysis of proprietary style in nineteenth and twentieth-century monarchical addresses proposed by von Polenz (1999, p. 525) could clearly be extended beyond 1914.

  46. 46.

    Again, comparison of the texts on which Sternberger drew confirms the topicality of this attack. See Dodd 2007, pp. 139–148.

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Dodd, W.J. (2018). The Emergence of National Socialist Discourse. In: National Socialism and German Discourse. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74660-9_2

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