Abstract
Our thesis in this chapter is that space law should be exactly like proper (e.g. libertarian) law as it applies on our home planet. Unhappily, there is already some burgeoning space law now in operation, and it deviates from law as it ought to apply. How so? For example, the U.N. General Assembly (1962a, XVIII) Declaration of Legal Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space (Treaty on Principles, 1966) follows the law of the sea treaty averring that the planets are the common heritage of all mankind, whether or not any person, or country, engages in homesteading, the sine qua non of libertarian private property rights. A similar flaw underlies the Treaty on Principles Governing the Activities of States in the Exploration and Use of Outer Space, including the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies (U.N. General Assembly (1962b)).
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Notes
- 1.
Seemingly, anyone who writes a book about space and interplanetary relations must think that there is something unique about that arena. And, yes, this is indeed the case in many regards as pretty much the entirety of the present book makes clear. But this does not apply in our view to the law. It should apply in the same manner to any area of our galaxy; on Earth , on Jupiter, and everywhere else. We go further: it should also not be upheld any differently depending upon the historical epoch under consideration. Libertarian law should apply, equally, to the caveman in the past, the modern man at present, and to the spaceman in the future.
- 2.
“Threatening or initiating violence” would include any purposeful and knowing act or threat thereof which is a violation of the rights of the person on the receiving end.
- 3.
Some might even use the term “laudable behavior.” Why would, say, boxing be considered by anyone to be praiseworthy conduct? Prizefighting is after all nothing more that hitting another person in the hopes of personal financial gain: despicable, ought we not say? Yet the prizes come from willing customers who are entertained by the event. Many of the attendees experience a vicarious release of emotion. Otherwise these people might act out their anger in real life were they unable observe this performance in a ring. Still others might enjoy watching the boxers’ skill and strategy. Laudable indeed is the provision of these services. For more on the sometimes-commendable nature of activities widely viewed as depraved, see Block 1976, 2013a, b.
- 4.
- 5.
We use the word “travesty” because the document is essentially dishonest; it almost perfectly expresses a Marxian view of fair use without openly saying so. Furthermore, it fails to note that “States” (in the second paragraph: “Believing…”) are necessarily based on the negation of the NAP . It proclaims as compatible goals, high-sounding principles which are in irreconcilable conflict, to wit “the betterment of mankind” and “the benefit of States.” The list of dishonest usages within this one small passage could go on to fill many pages.
- 6.
For a rather unusual but “peaceful” purpose of moons, see Block 2014a, c. These essays constitute a tongue-in-cheek attack on egalitarianism. Some planets, it turns out, have more than their fair share of moons; others are relatively deprived in this regard. These publications make the case for redistributing moons from the “rich” (when measured in moons) to the “poor.”
- 7.
- 8.
Its formal name is: “Agreement Governing the Activities of States on the Moon and Other Celestial Bodies .” See on this “Moon Agreement,” 1979. For generally supportive commentary on applying UNCLOS to space see Asamoah 1966; Christol 1980, 1982, 1985; Dembling 1979; Goedhuis 1981; Jasentuliyana 1995; Joyner 1986; Kopal 1968, 1996; Rana 1994; Vlasic 1967.
- 9.
Whether in the seas of the Earth or on heavenly bodies to everyone on Earth, legislation usurping possession of assets remains indefensible.
- 10.
- 11.
Egalitarianism as commonly used is, in itself, false and hypocritical. Additionally, it is materialistic in its focus because it speaks only to the sharing of material assets. Its falsehood stems in part from the common belief of its advocates that they are not materialistic. Meanwhile, it silently posits “an elite corps of impudent snobs” (Spiro Agnew) to control the distribution of wealth while hypocritically garnering power to themselves at the expense of the less fortunate. See on this Rothbard (1971).
- 12.
“Liberalism: b: a theory in economics emphasizing individual freedom from restraint and usually based on free competition, the self-regulating market, and the gold standard. c: a political philosophy based on belief in progress, the essential goodness of the human race, and the autonomy of the individual and standing for the protection of political and civil liberties ”—Merriam Webster online 2013. Those who call themselves “liberal” but who in fact advocate massive government control are at best pseudo-liberal.
- 13.
For an explication and defense of homesteading see Block 1990, 2002a, b; Block and Edelstein 2012; Block and Yeatts 1999–2000; Block vs Epstein 2005 ; Bylund 2005, 2012; Grotius 1625; Hoppe 1993, 2011 ; Kinsella 2003, 2006, 2009 ; Locke 1948 (pp . 17–19), 1955 (chapter 5); Paul 1987; Pufendorf 1673; Rothbard 1973 , p . 32 ; Rozeff 2005; Watner 1982.
- 14.
In popular parlance, “fascism” depicts goose stepping, militarism, destruction of non-Aryans, gays, etc. But from an economics point of view, it indicates something quite different, government regulation and control, not ownership. For example, Krupp , BMW, Mercedes, Stuka, Volkswagen, were all “private” companies under Hitler’s rule. That is, there was a thin veneer of private ownership with regard to them. But they were far from free agents, working in a laissez-faire economy. Rather, the German government highly regulated all of them. Despite protestations to the contrary, functional control implies practical ownership. In short, fascism is virtually identical to socialism, maybe even communism.
- 15.
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Nelson, P.L., Block, W.E. (2018). Space Law. In: Space Capitalism. Palgrave Studies in Classical Liberalism. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74651-7_12
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