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Further Issues Concerning Quantification

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Book cover Logical Form

Part of the book series: Synthese Library ((SYLI,volume 393))

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Abstract

This chapter develops the analysis of quantified sentences sketched in Chap. 8. First, it draws a distinction between two senses in which a quantifier expression can be said to be vague, and outlines an account of the distinction that rests on independently grounded assumptions. Then it shows how the difference between the two senses can be represented at the formal level, and it addresses some debated issues concerning quantification. Although the claims that will be made have only a tangential bearing on the main theme of the book, some of them may be regarded as interesting in themselves.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Definition 9.2.1 is in line with Barwise and Cooper (1981), p. 163, and Westerståhl (1985b), pp. 405–406. In the latter work, two readings of ‘most’ are considered. But if Definition 9.2.1 is adopted there seems to be no reason to do that.

  2. 2.

    The examples (7) and (8) are discussed in Peters and Westerståhl (2006), pp. 213.

  3. 3.

    The hypothesis that ‘most’, ‘few’ and ‘many’ can be treated along the lines suggested is adopted in Barwise and Cooper (1981) and in Westerståhl (1985b). Instead, Keenan and Stavi (1986) and Lappin (2000) provide different accounts of ‘few’ and ‘many’.

  4. 4.

    Lepore and Ludwig (2002), p. 70. Peters and Westerståhl, in 2006, pp. 466–468, outline a proof method that can be employed to show that ‘most’, ‘few’, and ‘many’ are not first order definable.

  5. 5.

    Here it is assumed that contextual restrictions are formally represented in the way suggested in Sect. 8.3. But note that we would get the same result if we adopted a formal representation in which a separate predicate letter expresses the restricting condition, since in that case (11) and (12) would be replaced by two formulas ∀x(Qx ⊃ (Px ⊃ Rx)) and ∀x(Sx ⊃ (Px ⊃ Rx)) which differ in the first predicate letter.

  6. 6.

    Note that the converse entailment clearly does not hold, for it may be the case that the sentences containing a quantifier expression e (as used on a given occasion) admit nonminimal variation in formal representation even if e does not exhibit quantifier indeterminacy. This is shown by the case of ‘more than half of’, which does not exhibit quantifier indeterminacy even though (3) may be represented as (13) or (14).

  7. 7.

    Barwise and Cooper (1981), p. 162, Peters and Westerståhl (2006), pp. 334–335, Bonnay and Westerståhl (2012), section 8.

  8. 8.

    Note that, given the restriction mentioned in Sect. 8.2, ‘sentence’ refers to simple quantified sentences such as (1)–(6).

  9. 9.

    There is an interesting convergence between the account of logical quantifier expressions suggested here and the independently motivated account outlined in Feferman (2015), see p. 140. As is noticed in that work, pp. 144–145, it is not as obvious as it might seem that the converse of Theorem 9.4.1 holds.

  10. 10.

    Moss (2008), section 8.2, provides a complete axiomatization of a class of inferences involving sentences containing either ‘most’ or ‘some’. The explanation suggested here seems to hold at least for that class.

  11. 11.

    Williamson (2003), pp. 424–427 and 452–460. Glanzberg (2004) argues against Williamson that, for every domain purporting to contain everything, there are in fact things falling outside the domain.

  12. 12.

    Peters and Westerståhl, among others, assume that domains are sets, see p. 48. In Sect. 8.4 the same assumption is adopted for the sake of argument.

  13. 13.

    Lewis (1986), p. 213, Sider (2001), pp. 128–129, Sider (2003), pp. 137–142.

  14. 14.

    Lopez De Sa (2006) and Sider (2009) elaborate and defend the argument. Liebesman and Eklund (2007) and Torza (2014), argue against it.

  15. 15.

    Note, however, that it might be unclear whether ‘all’ is used unrestrictedly, in which case a similar kind of indeterminacy would arise. Note also that, just like ‘all’ may involve a restriction, the same goes for the general term ‘thing’ as it occurs in ‘all things’. As Lopez de Sa (2006), pp. 405–406, makes clear, (UP) is compatible with recognizing that there might be restricted uses of ‘thing’ that are vague. In that case, quantifying over every thing in that sense is not the same thing as quantifying over absolutely everything.

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Iacona, A. (2018). Further Issues Concerning Quantification. In: Logical Form. Synthese Library, vol 393. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74154-3_9

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