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The Birth of Forensic Psychology: The Berchtold Trial

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Abstract

Examining the 1896 Berchtold trial as the first instance of psychological expertise in the courtroom, this chapter considers the factors that led to the emergence of forensic psychology in Germany, including contemporary research into suggestion, concerns about degeneration and the influence of the mass press on the public, the professionalisation of defence lawyers and nineteenth-century reforms to criminal procedure, all of which acted to cast doubt on the reliability of witness testimony. The centrality of defence lawyers, like Rudolf von Pannwitz, and psychiatrists, such as Hubert Grashey and Albert von Schrenck-Notzing, to the birth of forensic psychology is used to stress the interdisciplinary roots of this nascent field.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Rechtsanwalt Franz Giess to Königliche Landgericht, München I, Strafkammer, January 2, 1912. Staatsanwaltschaft, 7135, Staatsarchiv, München.

  2. 2.

    Christoph Bachmann, “Johann Berchtold – Münchens gefährlichster Würger?” in Polizeireport München, 1799–1999, ed. Michael Farin and Christoph Bachmann (Munich: Belleville, 1999), 88.

  3. 3.

    Distinguished defence lawyers of the Wilhelmine period, like Erich Sello and Max Alsberg , noted that retrials were rarely granted and thought that the procedure around them was largely a matter of chance. See, Benjamin Carter Hett, Death in the Tiergarten: Murder and Criminal Justice in the Kaiser’s Berlin (Cambridge, Mass. & London: Harvard University Press, 2004), 29.

  4. 4.

    Rechtsanwalt Franz Giess to Königliche Landgericht, München I, Strafkammer, January 2, 1912. Staatsanwaltschaft, 7135, Staatsarchiv, München.

  5. 5.

    Ibid.

  6. 6.

    Ibid.

  7. 7.

    Rechtsanwalt Franz Giess to Königliche Landgericht, München I, Strafkammer, 23 Februar 1912. Staatsanwaltschaft, 7135, Staatsarchiv, München.

  8. 8.

    Ibid.

  9. 9.

    Annette Mülberger, “Teaching Psychology to Jurists: Initiatives and Reactions Prior to World War I,” History of Psychology 12, 3 (2009): 66.

  10. 10.

    Daniel M. Vyleta, Crime, Jews and News: Vienna 1895–1914 (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2007), 14–27.

  11. 11.

    Benjamin Carter Hett, “Justice Is Blind: Crowds, Irrationality, and Criminal Law in the Late Kaiserreich”, in Crime and Criminal Justice in Modern Germany, ed. Richard F. Wetzell (New York and Oxford: Berghahn Books, 2014), 31–34. See also, Hett, Death in the Tiergarten, 1–3; 5; 162–168; 222.

  12. 12.

    This is similar to Joel Eigen’s argument about the role of barristers in the development of forensic psychiatry in the English context. See, Joel P. Eigen, Witnessing Insanity: Madness and Mad-Doctors in the English Court (New Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1995), 5.

  13. 13.

    Staatsanwaltschaft, 7134, Staatsarchiv, München. Several publications that appeared in the aftermath of Berchtold’s trial suggest that the police also contemplated suicide as a possible cause of death. See, for example, L. Ruwe, Johann Berchtold, der dreifache Raubmörder von der Karlstrasse in München (München: J. M. Forster, 1896); Wer war der Mörder?Die genaue Darstellung der sensationellen Verhandlung gegen den verheiratheten Maurer Johann Berchtold (Munich: Druck und Verlag des Illustrirten Münchener Externblatt, 1896).

  14. 14.

    Staatsanwaltschaft, 7134, Staatsarchiv, München; Albert von Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung im Berchtold-Process,” Zeitschrift für Hypnotismus 5 (1897): 132.

  15. 15.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 132.

  16. 16.

    Protokolbuch, Berchtold Prozess, 161–162, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7146, Staatsarchiv, München; “Bekanntmachung No. 17. Betreff: Raub und Mord an Frau von Roos mit Tochter Julie und Köchin Maria Gradl”, Polizeidirekton München, Staatsarchiv, München.

  17. 17.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 133.

  18. 18.

    Ruwe, Johann Berchtold, 3.

  19. 19.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 133; Ruwe, Johann Berchtold, 3; Wer war der Mörder? 3. In September 1895, Berchtold had been jailed for three months for bicycle theft. See, “Velozipeddiebstahl”, Neues Münchener Tageblatt, September 15, 1895, Polizeidirekton München 8050, Staatsarchiv München.

  20. 20.

    Ruwe, Johann Berchtold, 4.

  21. 21.

    Ibid.

  22. 22.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 134.

  23. 23.

    Ibid.

  24. 24.

    Ruwe, Johann Berchtold, 4.

  25. 25.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 135.

  26. 26.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 128; N. Moritz, “Die Suggestion in dem Processe Berchtold,” Münchener medizinische Wochenschrift, 43 (1896): 1053.

  27. 27.

    The principle of open justice , which ensured that both press and public could witness justice in action, did not apply to the preliminary or pre-trial investigation, which was meant to be subject to secrecy. Thomas Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, trans. Margaret Hiley (Berlin and Heidelberg: Springer, 2014), 93. On Pannwitz’s complaint about the public, rather than secret, conduct of the preliminary investigation, see, Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 296.

  28. 28.

    Protokolbuch, Berchtold Prozess, 205, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7146, Staatsarchiv, München; Zweites Abendblatt der Allgemeine-Zeitung, October 7, 1896, 5; Zweites Abendblatt der Allgemeine-Zeitung, October 14, 1896, 5.

  29. 29.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 303–304.

  30. 30.

    Peter Fritzsche, Reading Berlin 1900 (Cambridge, Mass. and London: Harvard University Press, 1996), 25–26, 54–56.

  31. 31.

    Vyleta, Crime, Jews and News, pp. 70–71; Paul Hoser, “Presse (20. Jahrhundert)”, in Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. URL: http://www.historisches-lexikon-bayerns.de/Lexikon/Presse(20.Jahrhundert).

  32. 32.

    Paul Hoser, “Münchner Neueste Nachrichten”, in Historisches Lexikon Bayerns. URL: http://www.historisches-lexikon-bayerns.de/Lexikon/MünchnerNeuesteNachrichten.

  33. 33.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 135.

  34. 34.

    On mass-circulation newspapers as a guide to the city and the titillation offered by sensational crime stories, see Fritzsche, Reading Berlin 1900, 15–16,138–139. On the importance of advertising for the expansion of the press after 1850 and the type of stories typical of the new mass press, see Konrad Dussel, Deutsche Tagepresse im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert, 2nd ed. (Berlin: Dr. W. Hopf, 2011), 83–85.

  35. 35.

    Vyleta, Crime, Jews and News, 70–71. Fritzsche, Reading Berlin 1900, 54.

  36. 36.

    On the reforms of criminal procedure in Germany , Austria and the German-speaking cantons of Switzerland that resulted in judicial openness, oral presentation of evidence and the use of juries during the nineteenth century, see A. Esmein, A History of Continental Criminal Procedure with Special Reference to France, trans. John Simpson (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1913), 572–583; 586.

  37. 37.

    Hett, Death in the Tiergarten, 42–43.

  38. 38.

    Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 92.

  39. 39.

    Erich Sello, Psychologie der Cause célèbre: Ein Vortrag (Berlin: Verlag von Franz Valen, 1910), 9.

  40. 40.

    Gustav Le Bon, The Crowd: A Study of the Popular Mind [1895], 2nd ed. (Atlanta: Cherokee, 1982), xv–xvi; S. Muscovici, The Age of the Crowd: A Historical Treatise of Mass Psychology, trans. J. C. Whitehouse (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 55, 80; J. Ginneken, Crowds, Psychology, and Politics 1871–1899 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992), 172–174.

  41. 41.

    Ginneken, Crowds, Psychology, and Politics, 138, 141.

  42. 42.

    Le Bon, The Crowd, 2–3.

  43. 43.

    Benedict Auguste Morel first used the term “degeneration ” in 1857 to describe a morbid deviation away from normality that led to criminality, madness, sterility and early death. It was a condition of moral, intellectual and physical atrophy, either congenital or acquired, that was caused by violations of moral laws, abuse of one’s body and failure to cultivate one’s mind. In a context in which Cesare Lombroso’s ideas concerning the biological difference of criminals circulated, degeneration became understood as one of the principal causes of criminal deviance. See, Rafael Hertas, “Madness and Degeneration III. Degeneration and Criminality,” History of Psychiatry 4 (1993), 141–158.

  44. 44.

    Vyleta, Crime, Jews and News, 14–17.

  45. 45.

    Hans Gross, Criminal Investigation: A Practical Handbook for Magistrates, Police Officers and Lawyers (Madras: A. Krishnamachari, 1906), xxv–xxvi.

  46. 46.

    August Forel , Ueber die Zurechnungsfähigkeit des normalen Menschen, 5th & 6th ed. (Munich: Ernst Reinhardt, 1907), 13–14.

  47. 47.

    Anne Harrington, “Hysteria, Hypnosis, and the Lure of the Invisible: The Rise of neo-Mesmerism in Fin-de-Siècle French psychiatry”, in The Anatomy of madness: Essays in the History of Psychiatry, Volume III, ed. W.F. Bynum et al. (London: Routledge, 1988), 226.

  48. 48.

    Muscovici, The Age of the Crowd, 82–83.

  49. 49.

    Ginneken, Crowds, Psychology, and Politics, 144.

  50. 50.

    Stefan Andriopoulos, Possessed: Hypnotic Crimes, Corporate Fiction, and the Invention of Cinema, trans. Peter Jansen and Stefan Andriopoulos (Chicago and London: University of Chicago Press, 2000), 26–41. On debates over the therapeutic potential of hypnosis in Germany, see Heather Wolffram, “‘An Object of Vulgar Curiosity’: Legitimizing Medical Hypnosis in Imperial Germany,” Journal of the History of Medicine and the Allied Sciences 67, 1 (2012): 149–176.

  51. 51.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 303.

  52. 52.

    Ibid., 296.

  53. 53.

    Ibid., 295–296.

  54. 54.

    Ibid., 303.

  55. 55.

    “Der Raubmord in der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachtrichten, February 19, 1896, 3.

  56. 56.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 303–304.

  57. 57.

    Ibid., 304.

  58. 58.

    Wer war der Mörder? 1.

  59. 59.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 135.

  60. 60.

    “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, February 24, 1896, 3; “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, February 27, 1896, 3–4.

  61. 61.

    “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, February 24, 1896, 3; “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, March 2, 1896, 4.

  62. 62.

    “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, March 2, 1896, 3.

  63. 63.

    “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, March 3, 1896, 3.

  64. 64.

    “Sicherheit der Wohnung,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, February 23, 1896, 3–4.

  65. 65.

    “Der Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, March 4, 1896, 3. Although Berchtold’s lawyer was highly critical of the cooperation demonstrated here between the police and the press, which had in his view contravened rules about the secrecy of the preliminary investigation, the use of the press by the Munich police to garner further evidence against their prime suspect was not atypical. Philipp Müller’s work on the press policy of Berlin’s Criminal Investigation department, for instance, suggests that police during the Kaiserreich began to make more use of the power of the mass press in order to make public appeals and to further their investigations. See, Philipp Müller, “Covering Crime, Restoring Order: The “Berlin Jack the Ripper” (1909) and the Press Policy of the Berlin Criminal Investigation Department,” Crime, History & Societies 15, 1 (2011): 85–110.

  66. 66.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 304.

  67. 67.

    Ibid., 129–131.

  68. 68.

    Allgemeine Zeitung, October 2, 1896, 6; “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 3, 1896, 4.

  69. 69.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 2, 1896.

  70. 70.

    Allgemeine Zeitung, October 2, 1896, 6.

  71. 71.

    For a collection of essays that showcased a number of Schrenck-Notzing’s interests, including those in sexual pathology and hypnosis , see Albert von Schrenck-Notzing, Kriminalpsychologische und Psychopathologische Studien: Gesammelte Aufsätze aus den Gebieten der Psychopathia sexualis, der gerichtlichen Psychiatrie und der Suggestionslehre (Leipzig: Johann Ambrosius Barth, 1902). By the early twentieth century, Schrenck-Notzing was becoming better known as a parapsychologist than a psychiatrist . On his work in this field, see Heather Wolffram, The Stepchildren of Science: Psychical Research and Parapsychology in Germany, c. 1870–1939 (Amsterdam & New York: Rodopi, 2009).

  72. 72.

    See, Der Prozess Czynski: Thatbestand desselben und Gutachten über Willensbeschränkung durch hypnotisch-suggestiven Einfluβ abgegeben vor dem oberbayerischen Schwurgericht zu München von Prof. Dr. Grashey, Prof. Dr. Hirt, Dr. Freiherr von Schrenck-Notzing, Prof. Dr. Preyer (Stuttgart: Ferdinand Enke, 1895).

  73. 73.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 3, 1896, 4.

  74. 74.

    Katherine D. Watson, Forensic Medicine in Western Society: A History (London and New York: Routledge, 2011), 20–22.

  75. 75.

    Richard F. Wetzell, “Psychiatry and Criminal Justice in Modern Germany,” Journal of European Studies, 39 (2009): 271. Hett, Death in the Tiergarten.

  76. 76.

    Wetzell, “Psychiatry and Criminal Justice,” 272–3.

  77. 77.

    “Vertheidigung und Presse,” General-Anzeiger, October 27, 1896, 1. Staatsanwaltschaften 7153.

  78. 78.

    Grashey and Schrenck-Notzing agreed that, given the method of murder, strangulation, and the number and age of the victims, it was unlikely that this crime was a case of sexual murder. See, Protokolbuch, Berchtold Prozess, 161–162, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7146, Staatsarchiv, München;, Zweites Abendblatt der Allgemeine Zeitung, October 7, 5.

  79. 79.

    Protokolbuch, Berchtold Prozess, 194–208, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7146, Staatsarchiv, München; “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 10, 1896.

  80. 80.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 8, 1896.

  81. 81.

    Protokolbuch, Berchtold Prozess, 208–209, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7146, Staatsarchiv, München; “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 8, 1896; Zweites Morgenblatt der Allgemeinen Zeitung, October 8, 1896.

  82. 82.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 8, 1896.

  83. 83.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 8, 1896.

  84. 84.

    Zweites Morgenblatt der Allgemeinen Zeitung, October 8, 1896.

  85. 85.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 154.

  86. 86.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 8, 1896.

  87. 87.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 14, 1896.

  88. 88.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 14, 1896.

  89. 89.

    Zweites Morgenblatt der Allgemeinen Zeitung, October 8, 1896.

  90. 90.

    Pannwitz indicated the works of Stoll, Bernheim , Forel and Krafft-Ebing on suggestion to argue that Grashey’s views were incorrect. See, Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 281.

  91. 91.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse in München vor dem Schwurgerichte. Der zum Tode verurtheilte Johann Berchtold,” October 16, 1896, 1, Staatsanwaltschaft, 7137, Staatsarchiv, München.

  92. 92.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 14, 1896; Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 288.

  93. 93.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 172, 288.

  94. 94.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 14, 1896; Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 289–292.

  95. 95.

    “Der dreifache Raubmord an der Karlstrasse,” Münchner neueste Nachrichten, October 14, 1896.

  96. 96.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 294.

  97. 97.

    Ibid., 305.

  98. 98.

    “Vertheidigung und Presse,” General-Anzeiger, October 27, 1896. Staatsanwaltschaften 7153; Augsburger Abendzeitung, October 14, 1896.

  99. 99.

    “Zum Prozeβ Berchtold,” Zweites Morgenblatt der Allgemeinen Zeitung, October 16, 1896.

  100. 100.

    Ibid.

  101. 101.

    Ibid.

  102. 102.

    “Glossen über den Berchtold-Prozeβ,” Beilage zur Münchner Freien Presse, October 18, 1896.

  103. 103.

    “Zum Prozeβ Berchtold,” Zweites Morgenblatt der Allgemeinen Zeitung, October 16, 1896.

  104. 104.

    “Vertheidigung und Presse,” General-Anzeiger, October 27, 1896, Staatsanwaltschaften 7153.

  105. 105.

    Moritz, “Die Suggestion,” 1053.

  106. 106.

    Ibid., 1054.

  107. 107.

    Ibid., 1053.

  108. 108.

    M. Stenglein , “Verhandlung Berchtold,” Deutsche Juristen-Zeitung 23 (1896): 462.

  109. 109.

    Ibid., 462.

  110. 110.

    Ibid., 461.

  111. 111.

    Mathias Schmoeckel, “Der Einfluss der Psychologie auf die Entwicklung dea Zeugenbeweises im 19. Und beginnenden 20. Jahrhundert,” in Psychologie als Argument in der juristischen Literatur des Kaiserreichs, ed. Matthias Schmoeckel (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2009), 57–58.

  112. 112.

    ‘Via the mouths of two witnesses the truth will always be revealed’.

  113. 113.

    Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 96.

  114. 114.

    The Prussian Criminal Court Regulations from 1805 excluded the following people as witnesses under §356: maniacs, idiots, the blind, the deaf (if they were illiterate), the dumb (if they could not read or write), paid or bribed witnesses, those who had previously committed perjury and participants in the crime. Under §357 a number of others were excluded from testifying, including relatives and associates of the accused, youths and those who had been bankrupted. Julius Glaser, Beiträge zur Lehre vom Beweis im Strafprozess (Leipzig: Duncker & Humblot, 1883), 206–7.

  115. 115.

    Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 96–8. Elisabeth Koch, ‘Der Zeugenbeweis in der deutschen Strafprozeβrechtsreform des 19. Jahrhunderts’, in Subjektivierung des justiziellen Beweisverfahrens: Beiträge zum Zeugenbeweis in Europa und den USA (18.-20. Jahrhundert) ed. Andre Gouron et al. (Frankfurt am Main: Vittorio Klostermann, 1994), 247.

  116. 116.

    Gross , Criminal Investigation, xxvi.

  117. 117.

    Milos Vec, Die Spur des Täters: Methoden der Identifikation in der Kriminalistik (1879–1933), (Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2002), 12.

  118. 118.

    Ibid., 12.

  119. 119.

    Austria experienced a transition from a purely inquisitorial system (Code of 1803) to one modelled on the French Code, which introduced oral and public procedure, the accusatory principle and juries in 1850. In the Swiss cantons during the 1830s, the first steps in reforming the inquisitorial system were taken; a secret written procedure being combined with some publicity, an oral method of pleading and a public conclusion to trials. Esmein, A History of Continental Criminal Procedure, 578–581; Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 72–5; 85.

  120. 120.

    Largely responsible for these changes was the Decree of 3 January, 1849. Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 87–88; 91–98.

  121. 121.

    Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 22, 26, 31; Koch, “Der Zeugenbeweis,” 246, 248.

  122. 122.

    Koch, “Der Zeugenbeweis,” 249–50.

  123. 123.

    As far as children were concerned an exception to this rule was made in the Code of Criminal Procedure for cases of defamation, where children’s testimony was taken without an oath, in this regard, see Brigitte Kerchner, “Kinderlügen? Zur Kulturgeschicte des sexuellen Miβbrauchs,” in Misshandlung, Vernachlässigung und sexuelle Gewalt in Erziehungsverhältnissen, ed. Urte Finger-Trescher et al. (Giessen: Psychosozial, 2000): 30.

  124. 124.

    Vormbaum, A Modern History of German Criminal Law, 87–88; 96–97. C. J. A. Mittermaier , Die Lehre vom Beweise im deutschen Strafprozesse (Darmstadt: Johann Wilhelm Heyer, 1834), 324–325.

  125. 125.

    Hett, Death in the Tiergarten, 9.

  126. 126.

    Benjamin Carter Hett, “The “Captain of Kopenick” and the Transformation of German Criminal Justice, 1891–1914,” Central European History 36, 1 (2003): 5; 10–11.

  127. 127.

    Hett, Death in the Tiergarten, 82–84.

  128. 128.

    Hett, Death in the Tiergarten, 8, 222; Hett, “The “Captain of Kopenick,” 10–11.

  129. 129.

    Rudolf von Pannwitz, Die Psychologie des Gerichtssaals: Vortrag gehalten in der Münchener Psychologischen Gesellschaft (Munich: Druck der Buchdruckerei der “Allgemeinen Zeitung”, 1903).

  130. 130.

    Ibid., 3.

  131. 131.

    Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 131.

  132. 132.

    Ibid., 326.

  133. 133.

    In regards to the importance of the police understanding the psychology of testimony, Schrenck-Notzing proposed that witnesses view suspects in a line-up, rather than being confronted with an individual suspect. This he argued would eliminate the possibility of suggestion during police identifications. Schrenck-Notzing, “Über Suggestion und Erinnerungsfälschung,” 293, 325.

  134. 134.

    Ibid., 326.

  135. 135.

    Ibid., 326.

  136. 136.

    Ibid., 328–329.

  137. 137.

    Ibid., 328.

  138. 138.

    Ibid., 327.

  139. 139.

    Ibid., 327.

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Wolffram, H. (2018). The Birth of Forensic Psychology: The Berchtold Trial. In: Forensic Psychology in Germany. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-73594-8_2

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