Abstract
This chapter uses the preliminary results of the third International-Self-Report Delinquency Study (ISRD3). ISRD3 is an ongoing international collaborative survey that currently includes about 62,500 seventh, eighth, and ninth graders between 12 and 16 years of age from 27 countries. The youth were asked to answer questions related to their evaluations of the wrongness of eight items (prosocial values), levels of sense of shame associated with selected antisocial behaviors, school experiences, and migration status (native, first, and second generations). The data suggest that the differences between countries with respect to youth’s morality are significantly larger than the differences between migrant and native youth within individual countries. The same is true for youth’s educational experiences. The chapter concludes with a policy suggestion regarding the role of the school in forming civil and social norms.
The research used in this publication is supported by National Science Foundation (NSF)—Grant #1419588.
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Notes
- 1.
There is little debate that schools represent the dominant prosocial values of society. There is, however, more debate as to the degree to which families and peers support the prosocial values of the larger society.
- 2.
We do not have the data to include an analysis of the direct impact of exposure to religious teachings on youth’s morality. The ISRD3 does provide data on self-reported religious affiliation (e.g. Christianity, Muslim, Buddhist, or Jewish); included in ISRD3 is a sizable proportion of young people considering themselves explicitly atheist, agnostic, or not belonging to any organized religious group. The current chapter does not include an examination of religion.
- 3.
The term “cultural integration” is a very broad term. There exists a large volume of writing on the issues related to assimilation, integration, and acculturation and so on, too many to cite here.
- 4.
ISRD1 was carried out in 1991–1992 and ISRD2 in 2006–2008.
- 5.
For more information, see Enzmann et al. (2017). See also www.northeastern.edu/isrd/.
- 6.
Thus, about one-fourth of the current sample would be considered a migrant. We do not have information about “refugee” background, but it is reasonable to assume that only first-generation migrants likely would fall under the “refugee” category.
- 7.
For more detailed information about the strength and weaknesses of the ISRD3 data, please consult Enzmann et al. (2017).
- 8.
Although we include migrant youth for India, Indonesia and Kosovo in Fig. 3, please be advised that the number of migrant youth in these three countries is very small.
- 9.
This measure was adapted from Wikstrom and Butterworth (2006).
- 10.
In his recent book, Membership and Moral Formation: Shame as an Educational and Social Emotion, Covaleski (2013) writes: “Knowledge of a set of norms is the first step in moral development, but it is a long way from the final step… If I know the norms, but they are not yet my norms, I might conform to them for all sorts of non-moral reasons—because I want the praise,… or to avoid punishment for violations….However, when society’s norms become internalized, become mine, then something different happens… Shame is a sign that rules have become norms for us, we feel embarrassment or guilt or humiliation upon breaking rules of conventions, but we can only feel shame if we violate norms of a certain sort, moral norms that we have come to see as our own.”
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Marshall, I.H., Marshall, C.E. (2018). Norms, Values, and Education: How Different Are Immigrant Youth from Native Youth? Insights from the Third International Self-Report Delinquency Study (ISRD3). In: Kury, H., Redo, S. (eds) Refugees and Migrants in Law and Policy. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72159-0_7
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