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Introduction

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Abstract

This chapter defines the topic of the book and the methodology followed in the analysis. Studying the political and linguistic relationship between Occitan and Catalan constitutes a new approach to the issue of how the Romance languages came into ideological and political existence from the thirteenth century onwards. The linguistic and political division of the Romance continuum that had existed until then was naturalized; thus it is important to analyze the historical context in which this division was constructed and later described as a natural process in which human will had apparently played a secondary role. Analysis of the linguistic and political history of Occitan and Catalan is particularly relevant because these languages had a quite different political history during the Middle Ages and the Early Modern Period, and had been described as undergoing an abrupt differentiation in the thirteenth century. Moreover, in the Catalan-speaking lands first, as in the rest of the Iberian Peninsula later on, there was an awareness that the linguistic separation responded to political circumstances and that Occitan had not represented a continuous political identity. On the one hand, this book explains how Catalan-speaking authors exploited the political neutrality of Occitan to exalt the Catalan-Aragonese monarchy during the Middle Ages. On the other hand, both Catalan-speaking and other Iberian authors relied upon this neutrality to construct the Spanish Empire during the Early Modern Period.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    As an example , among the panels of the 52nd International Congress on Medieval Studies at Kalamazoo, Michigan, in May 2017, we find one entitled: “Ibero-Romance languages before the 11th century.”

  2. 2.

    Aelius Donatus wrote Ars grammatica and Priscianus Caesariensis (Priscian ) is the author of Institutiones grammaticae.

  3. 3.

    The wide monolingual Romance continuum that had existed well into the twelfth-century Renaissance was in its last stages […] but the poison of nationalism was invading perceptions of language, as different sociopolitical units wanted to focus their own individual status more distinctively, and at that time a separate orthography of their own, even for pan-Romance lexical items, seemed an essential part of their national and social identity. (Wright 1997, 269)

    According to Paul M. Lloyd , “calling a particular form of speech a ‘language’ is the result , not of recognition of it as something separate and distinct in the outside world, or as different in some way or ways from other forms of speech or writing , but rather the result of attribution, rather than discovery” (1991, 13). See also Wright (1999, 2013, 43).

  4. 4.

    The history of the names of languages and their written systems are linked to “powerful and numerically small groups in society rather than with people in general” (Janson 1991, 26). See note 2.

  5. 5.

    “Linguistically, that space is also filled with six main dialects broadly associated with historically defined provinces : Gascon, Limousin, Legadocian, Auvergnat, Provençal and Vivaro-Alpine. The dialects begin to give the territory some substance, and their juxtaposition in nineteenth century philological work contributed to creating a sense of a common language, in the modern sense of the term, in Southern France ” (Costa 2016, 87).

  6. 6.

    Use of palatalized ü in Occitan and the total absence of this feature in Catalan; the use of certain diphthongs in Occitan that are absent in Catalan: uèlh versus ull (eye), causa versus cosa (thing), fait versus fet (done, deed); intervocalic voiced “s” is maintained in Occitan and eliminated in Catalan: rasó versus raó (reason); endings in tz become vowels in Catalan: potz versus pou (well); Occitan does not pronounce the final latin “d” as “u”: versus peu (foot); Occitan does not palatalize the Latin geminates “ll”, “nn”: bèla versus bella (pretty), cana versus canya (cane); Occitan maintains the group “mb” and “nd”: camba versus cama (leg), alendar versus alenar (to wheeze); in Occitan the semivowels of Latin “qu” and “gu” are not pronounced: catre versus quatre; lack of palatalization of initial “l” in Occitan : luna versus lluna (moon ) (Rafanell 2006, 27).

  7. 7.

    See Wright (2013, 43).

  8. 8.

    Janson maintains that, at the beginning of the thirteenth century, Ramon Vidal de Besalú considered the area of France as “a coherent area with dialectal variation” when he wrote: “per totas las terras de nostre lengage son de maior autoritat li cantar de la lenga lemosina qe de neguna autra parladura” (“of all the lands that have our language, the songs in Limousin have more authority than any other form of speech”) (ca. 1210/1972, 6) (My translation ). According to Janson, “nostre lengage” (“our language”) could refer to the whole Romance area or “at least it includes the whole of modern France ” (Janson 1991, 24). Ferrando Francés and Nicolás Amorós also point out that the llengua d’oc koiné was understood not only in the llengua d’oc area but even beyond with hardly any difficulty (1993, 57).

  9. 9.

    See Lodge (1993, 98).

  10. 10.

    Jofré de Foixà uses the term in his Regles de trobar (1291) (Nadal and Prats 1982, 387–88).

  11. 11.

    The term “Occitan ” was used in 1879 “by Frédéric Mistral in his Tresor dóu Felibrige, or Provençal-French dictionary ” (Costa, 79).

  12. 12.

    We know very little of Bernat Desclot’s life “apart from the fact that he wrote one of the central chronicles of medieval Catalan historiography.” Coll i Alentorn identifies Desclot with Bernat Escrivà who “served in James I’s and Peter’s courts as royal treasurer, among other high positions , and died in 1289” (Aurell 2012, 58–59).

  13. 13.

    The official titile of Desclot’s Crònica was Llibre del rey en Pere de Aragó e dels seus antecessors passats (Book of King Peter of Aragon and of His Ancestors ) (Aurell 2012, 55).

  14. 14.

    See, for example , Lloret (2013).

  15. 15.

    “Soneto en una lengua que es juntamente valenciana y castellana.” Quoted in Rafanell (2000, 50–51).

  16. 16.

    In this monograph I shall use Castilian and Spanish as synonymous.

  17. 17.

    For a similar definition of linguistic ideology see José del Valle (2007, 19–20). Susan Gal defines language ideology as “a set of cultural notions in the anthropological sense: a frame, not always conscious or within awareness, through which we understand linguistic practices” (2006, 15).

  18. 18.

    “We find a broader application of the political to any situation in which there is an unequal distribution of power , and where individuals’ behaviour reflects the play of power , or is guided (or maybe even determined) by it” (Joseph 2006, 2).

  19. 19.

    The term “Post-Philology” was first introduced and defined by Michelle Warren (2003).

  20. 20.

    The titles of recently published books such as my Literatura o imperio: la construcción de las lenguas castellana y catalana en la España renacentista (Literature or Empire: the Construction of the Castilian and Catalan languages in Renaissance Spain ) (2008), and José del Valle’s A Political History of Spanish . The Making of a Language (2013) show the importance and influence of this post-philological approach.

  21. 21.

    “Nostre reys, qu’es d’onor ses par.”

  22. 22.

    As far as the concept of genre is concerned, Ferguson explains that “a message type that recurs regularly in a community (in terms of semantic content, participants, occasions of use, and so on) will tend over time to develop an identifying internal structure , differentiated from other message types in the repertoire of the community ” (1994, 21). However, as the same author indicates, genres may “come into existence, disappear , or be radically transformed. Evaluative attitudes toward particular variants may become more favorable, become less favorable, or shift in bases of rating. Preferred ways of exploiting the communicative resources of a community in episodes of verbal interaction may change” (1994, 26).

  23. 23.

    In her most recent book , Woolard explains that these linguistic ideological terms were used for the first time in Gal and Woolard (2001/2014) Woolard (2016, 21).

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Lledó-Guillem, V. (2018). Introduction. In: The Making of Catalan Linguistic Identity in Medieval and Early Modern Times. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-72080-7_1

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