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Tradition and Foreign Influences in the 19th Century Codification of Criminal Law: Dispelling the Myth of the Pervasive French Influence in Europe and Latin America

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The Western Codification of Criminal Law

Part of the book series: Studies in the History of Law and Justice ((SHLJ,volume 11))

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Abstract

Any civil law student knows that most of provisions in any European or Latin American civil code derive from Roman law, that they were the outcome of a long and gradual scholarly elaboration extending from 12th century glossators to the natural lawyers of the 18th century. However, there is no such consensus about criminal law. The civil law tradition has doubtlessly committed more effort to the scholarly development of private law institutions than to those of public law, privileging civil law over criminal law. The main consequences of this fact are twofold: (i) 19th century criminal jurisprudence is sometimes presented as if had arisen out of the blue, or as if institutions contained in the 19th criminal codes broke with the past or bore no traces of Roman law; and (ii) since criminal codes supposedly broke with the past, the extent and scope of foreign influences—and the French in particular—on the criminal codes in Europe and Latin America are overemphasized. The chapter aims at dispelling this common place, and particularly the myth of the overall French influence in Europe and Latin America.

This work was undertaken in the context of two research projects entitled “La influencia de la Codificación francesa en la tradición penal española: su concreto alcance en la Parte General de los Códigos decimonónicos” (ref. DER2012-38469), and “Las influencias extranjeras en la Codificación penal española: su concreto alcance en la Parte Especial de los Códigos decimonónicos” (ref. DER2016-78388-P), both financed by the Spanish ‘Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad.’

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Notes

  1. 1.

    James Gordley, “Myths of the French Civil Code,” 42 Am. J. Comp. L. 459, 488–489 (1994): “The Code did not rebuild the law of property, contract or tort on new and individualistic principles. Indeed, it was drafted in what one can only describe as the trough between two intellectual waves: a wave of natural law theory that crested in the 16th and 17th centuries, and a wave of individualistic will-centred theory that did not emerge clearly until the 19th century. To the extent the drafters were guided by general principles at all, they used those of the natural lawyers which were already old-fashioned. The principles of the Revolution that did influence the drafters were a republican vision of law and the principle of human equality. The republican vision, however, was rejected by the drafters themselves, and the principle of equality did not lead to a reshaping of private law. Although the Code is often said to have abolished feudal property, it is hard to find much of economic consequence that changed.”

  2. 2.

    Portalis, Preliminary Address delivered on the occasion of the presentation of the draft of the government commission, on 1 Pluviôse IX (21 January 1801) (available at http://www.justice.gc.ca/eng/rp-pr/csj-sjc/ilp-pji/code/index.html): “But what a great task is the drafting of a civil legislation for a great people! The endeavor would be beyond human powers, if it entailed giving this people an entirely new institution and if, forgetting that civil legislation ranks first among civilized nations, one did not deign to benefit from the experience of the past and from that tradition of good sense, rules and maxims which has come down to us and informs the spirit of centuries.

    (…) The lawmaker does not exert an authority so much as a sacred function. He must not lose sight of the fact that laws are made for men, and not men for laws; that (…), rather than change laws, it is almost always more useful to present the citizenry with new reasons to love them; that history offers us the promulgation of no more than two or three good laws over the span of several centuries (…).

    It is useful to protect all that need not be destroyed: laws must show consideration for common practices, when such practices are not vices. Too often one reasons as though the human race ended and began at every moment, with no sort of communication between one generation and that which replaces it. Generations, in succeeding one another, mingle, intertwine and merge. A law-maker would be isolating his institutions from all that can naturalize them on earth if he did not carefully observe the natural relationships that always, to varying degrees, bind the present to the past and the future to the present; and that cause a people, unless it is exterminated or falls into a decline worse than annihilation, to always resemble itself to some degree. We have, in our modern times, loved change and reform too much; if, when it comes to institutions and laws, centuries of ignorance have been the arena of abuses, then centuries of philosophy and knowledge have all too often been the arena of excesses.”

  3. 3.

    On this matter, see the recent work by George Mousourakis, Roman Law and the Origins of the Civil Law Tradition (Heidelberg-New York, Dordrecht-London: Springer, 2015); see also Emilija Stanković, “The influence of Roman law on Napoleon’s Code Civil,” ‘Ex iusta causa traditum’: Essays in honour of Eric Pool (Pretoria: Fundamina, 2005), pp. 310–315.

  4. 4.

    On this matter, see Aniceto Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española. Hacia el ocaso de un mito. Materiales, apuntes y reflexiones para un nuevo enfoque metodológico e historiográfico del movimiento codificador penal europeo (Jaén: Universidad de Jaén, 2003).

  5. 5.

    See, for example, Shael Herman, “From Philosophers to Legislators, and Legislators to Gods: The French Civil Code as Secular Scripture,” University of Illinois Law Review 1984, pp. 597–620; see also R.C. Caenegem, Judges, Legislators and Professors: Chapters in European Legal History (Cambridge University Press, 1993), p. 89 (explaining that the French Exegetical School treated codes as the bible: “…since it believed in a limited number of holy books containing the law and nothing but the law”).

  6. 6.

    Joaquín Francisco Pacheco, El Código penal concordado y comentado (1848; I use the 2nd ed.: 1856, in particular, the facsimilar edition with a preliminary study by Abel Téllez Aguilera, Madrid: Edisofer, 2000), p. 82.

  7. 7.

    Giovanni Tarello , Storia della cultura giuridica moderna, vol. I: Assolutismo e codificazione del diritto (Bologna, 1976), p. 383; for an interesting treatment of Enlightenement thought and criminal law, see pp. 383–483.

  8. 8.

    A description of the Spanish criminal law in the 18th century can be seen in Isabel Ramos Vázquez, “Las reformas borbónicas en el Derecho penal y de Policía criminal de la España dieciochesca” (see http://www.forhistiur.de/zitat/1001ramos.htm); a 18th-century view of that period in criminal law can be found in Joaquín Cadafalch y Burguñá, Discurso sobre el atraso y descuido del Derecho penal hasta el siglo XVIII (1849); for an overview on the Codification of criminal in Spain, see Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española, already cited; Aniceto Masferrer, “Codification of Spanish Criminal Law in the Nineteenth Century. A Comparative Legal History Approach”, Journal of Comparative Law Vol. 4, no. 1 (2009), pp. 96–139; Aniceto Masferrer, “Liberal State and Criminal Law Reform in Spain”, Mortimer Sellers & Tadeusz Tomaszewski (eds.), The Rule of Law in Comparative Perspective. Series: Ius Gentium: Comparative Perspectives on Law and Justice, vol. 3 (2010), pp. 19–40.

  9. 9.

    Jesús Lalinde Abadía, Iniciación histórica al Derecho español (1983), p. 669; on the presumption of innocence in Enlightenment thought and its roots in glossators’ doctrine, see Joachim Hruschka , “Die Unschuldsvemutung in der Rechtsphilosophie der Aufklärung”, in ZStW, CXII (1990), Heft 2, pp. 285–300.

  10. 10.

    On this matter, see Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española, pp. 69–91; Masferrer, “Codification of Spanish Criminal Law in the Nineteenth Century…”, pp. 100–111; Masferrer, “Liberal State and Criminal Law Reform in Spain”, pp. 23–40.

  11. 11.

    The importance of the political context in explaining and reconstructing the historical development of criminal law should not be neglected; on this matter see, Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española, pp. 53–54; Masferrer, “La dimensión ejemplarizante del Derecho penal municipal catalán en el marco de la tradición jurídica europea. Algunas reflexiones iushistórico-penales de carácter metodológico”, AHDE 71 (2001), pp. 439–471, particularly pp. 446–450; R. C. Caenegem, “Criminal Law in England and Flanders under King Henry II and Count Philip of Alsace”, Actes du Congrès de Naples (1980) de la société italienne d’Histoire du Droit. Studia Historica Gandensia 253, 1982 (republished in R. C. van Caenegem, ed., Legal History: a European Perspective, London, 1991, pp. 37–60), p. 254: “The conclusion is that no study of criminal law, in the past or in the present, can be conducted fruitfully without constant reference to the political situation and the power structure in society: criminal law is not the fruit of logical deductions from eternal principles formulated by unworldly scholars.” This is particularly important in historical periods of political reforms, convulsions o revolutions, as the French historiography has clearly shown.

  12. 12.

    On the close link between the political revolution (French Revolution) and the codification of criminal law in France, see Jean-Marie Carbasse, Introduction historique au droit pénal (Paris, 1990), pp. 329 ff.; Jean-Marie Carbasse, “Le droit pénal dans la Déclaration des droits”, Droits: Revue française de théorie juridique VIII (1988), pp. 123–134; Renée Martinage, “Les innovations des constituants en matière de répression”, Une autre justice. Contributions à l’histoire de la justice sous la Révolution française (dir. Robert Badinter) (Fayard, 1989), pp. 105–126; Jean-Marie Carbasse, “État autoritaire et justice répressive: l’evolution de la législation pénale de 1789 au Code de 1810”, All’ombra dell’Aquila Imperiale. Transformazioni e continuità instituzionali nei territori sabaudi in età napoleonica (1802–1814). Atti del convegno, Torino 15–18 ottobre 1990 (Roma, 1994), I, pp. 313–333; Pierre Lascoumes, “Revolution ou reforme juridique? Les codes penaux français de 1791 a 1810”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 61–69; Bernard Schnapper, “Les Systemes repressifs français de 1789 a 1815”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 17–35; Pierre Lascoumes/Pierrette Poncela, “Classer et punir autrement: les incriminations sous l’Ancien Régime et sous la Constituante”, Une autre justice. Contributions à l’histoire de la justice sous la Révolution française (dir. Robert Badinter) (Fayard, 1989), pp. 73–104; Antoine Leca, “Les principes de la revolution dans les droits civil et criminel”, Les principes de 1789 (Marseille, 1989), pp. 113–149; Georges Levasseur, “Les grands principes de la Déclaration des droits de l’homme et le droit répressif français”, La Déclaration des droits de l’homme et du citoyen de 1789, ses origines – sa pérennité (Paris, 1990), pp. 233–250; Renée Martinage, “Les origines de la pénologie dans le code pénal de 1791”, La revolution et l’ordre juridique privé. Rationalité ou scandale? Actes du colloque d’Orléans (11–13 septembre 1986) (Orléans, 1988), I, pp. 15–29; Renée Martinage, Punir le crime. La repression judiciaire depuis le code pénal (Villeneuve-d’Ascq, 1989); Germain Sicard, “Sur la terreur judiciaire a Toulouse (1793-AN II)”, Liber Amicorum. Etudes offertes à Pierre Jaubert (Bourdeaux, 1992), pp. 679–700; Jean-Pierre Delmas Saint-Hilaire, “1789: un nouveau droit pénal est né…”, Liber Amicorum. Etudes offertes à Pierre Jaubert (Bourdeaux, 1992), pp. 161–177.

  13. 13.

    Pio Caroni , Lecciones catalanas sobre la historia de la Codificación (Madrid, 1996), pp. 69 ff.; see also Bartolomé Clavero, “La idea de Código en la Ilustración jurídica”, Historia. Instituciones Documentos 6 (1979), pp. 49–88; Diego Silva Forné, “La Codificación penal y el surgimiento del Estado liberal en España”, Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminología, 2º época, 7 (2001), pp. 233–309; Masferrer, “Codification of Spanish Criminal Law in the Nineteenth Century…”, cited in the fn n. 8; Masferrer, “Liberal State and Criminal Law Reform in Spain”, cited in the fn n. 8; Manuel Bermejo Castrillo, “Primeras luces de codificación. El Código como concepto y temprana memoria de su advenimiento en España”, Anuario de Historia del Derecho Español 83 (2013), pp. 9–63; on the codification movement in the Early Modern Age, see Yves Cartuyvels, D’où vient le code pénal?: une approche généalogique des premiers codes pénaux absolutistes au XVIIIe siècle ([Montréal et al.]: Presses de l’Université de Montréal/Presses de l’Université d’Ottawa/De Boeck Université, 1996); Yves Cartuyvels, “Le droit pénal entre consolidation étatique et codification absolutiste au XVIIIe siècle”, Le penal dans tous ses Etats. Justice, Etats et Sociétés en Europe (XIIe-Xxe siècles) (Bruxelles, 1997), pp. 252–278; Yves Cartuyvels, “Eléments pour une approche généalogique du code penal”, Déviance et Société 18 (1994), 4, pp. 373–396; Stanislaw Salmonowicz, “Penal codes of the 16th–19th centuries. A discussion of models”, La codification européene du Moyen-Age au siècle des Lunières. Etudes réunies par Stanislaw Salmonowicz (Warsawa, 1997), pp. 127–141; Katarzyna Sójka-Zielinska, “Über den modernen Kodifikationsbegriff”, La codification européene du Moyen-Age au siècle des Lunières. Etudes réunies par Stanislaw Salmonowicz (Warsawa, 1997), pp. 9–19; Yves Castan, “Les codifications penales d’Ancien Régime”, Le penal dans ses Etats. Justice, Etats et Sociétés en Europe (XIIe-XXe siècles) (Bruxelles, 1997), pp. 279–286; Benoît Garnot, “L’évolution récente de l’Histoire de la criminalité en France à l’époque moderne”, Histoire de la Justice 11 (1998), pp. 225–243; Benoît Garnot, “Justice, infrajustice, parajustice et extrajustice dans la France d’Ancien Régime”, Crime, Histoire et Societés 2000, vol. 4, n. 1, pp. 103–120.

  14. 14.

    Art. 4 DRMC 1789: “Liberty consists in the freedom to do everything which injures no one else; hence the exercise of the natural rights of each man has no limits except those which assure to the other members of the society the enjoyment of the same rights. These limits can only be determined by law.”

    Art. 5 DRMC 1789: “Law can only prohibit such actions as are hurtful to society. Nothing may be prevented which is not forbidden by law, and no one may be forced to do anything not provided for by law.”

    Art. 6 DRMC 1789: “Law is the expression of the general will. Every citizen has a right to participate personally, or through his representative, in its foundation. It must be the same for all, whether it protects or punishes. All citizens, being equal in the eyes of the law, are equally eligible to all dignities and to all public positions and occupations, according to their abilities, and without distinction except that of their virtues and talents.”

  15. 15.

    On this matter, see the bibliography cited in the footnote n. 7.

  16. 16.

    For the Spanish and German constitutionalism, see Aniceto Masferrer, “El alcance de la prohibición de las penas inhumanas y degradantes en el constitucionalismo español y europeo. Una contribución histórico-comparada al contenido penal del constitucionalismo español y alemán”, Presente y futuro de la Constitución española de 1978 (Valencia: tirant lo blanc, 2005), pp. 515–544.

  17. 17.

    The 1812 Constitution was the only one not to incorporate this principle explicitly, but it can be inferred from the interpretation of some provisions. In other Spanish constitutions: art. 9, 1837 Constitution: “No Spaniard can be tried or sentenced except by a judge and a court having jurisdiction under previous laws and [for a] crime in the manner prescribed by law”; art. 9, 1845 Constitution: “No Spaniard can be tried or sentenced except by a judge and a competent court, pursuant to law prior to the crime and in the manner prescribed by law”; art. 10, 1856 Constitution (never promulgated): “No Spaniard can be tried or sentenced except by a judge and jurisdiction, pursuant to law prior to the crime and in the manner prescribed by law”; art. 11, 1869 Constitution: “No Spaniard may be tried or sentenced except by a judge and a court with knowledge and competence in the manner prescribed by law, pursuant to law prior to the crime. Extraordinary courts may not create special commissions to hear any crime”; art. 16, 1876 Constitution: “No Spaniard can be tried or sentenced except by a judge and a competent court, pursuant to law prior to the crime and in the manner prescribed by law"; art. 28, 1931 Constitution: “Only deeds determined prior to their commission are punishable by law. No one shall be tried except by a competent court and in accordance with legal procedures”; 1978 Constitution: “The Constitution guarantees the rule of law …” (art. 3); “No one can be convicted or sentenced for actions or omissions which when committed did not constitute a crime, misdemeanor or administrative offense under the laws then in force.” (art. 25.1); on the this matter, see Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española, pp. 75–76; Masferrer, “Codification of Spanish Criminal Law in the Nineteenth Century…”, pp. 103–104; Masferrer, “Liberal State and Criminal Law Reform in Spain”, pp. 28–31; for a more specific and exhaustive view, see Matthew C.Mirow, “The Legality Principle and the Constitution of Cádiz”, Judges’ Arbitrium to the Legality Principle: Legislation as a Source of Law in Criminal Trials (Anthony Musson/Georges Martyn/Heikki Pihlajamäki, eds.) (Duncker & Humblot, 2013), pp. 189–205 (available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1844486).

  18. 18.

    Art. 305, 1812 Constitution: No penalty imposed for any crime whatever shall have no effect on the family of the convicted, but shall have its full effect on precisely he who deserves it.

  19. 19.

    Aniceto Masferrer, La pena de infamia en el Derecho histórico español. Contribución al estudio de la tradición penal europea en el marco del ius commune (Madrid: Dykinson, 2001), pp. 373 ff.; and by the same author: “La pena de infamia en la Codificación penal española”, Ius fvgit. Revista interdisciplinar de estudios histórico-jurídicos 7 (1998), pp. 123–176.

  20. 20.

    Art. 304 1812 Constitution: The punishment of confiscation of goods shall not be imposed. In other Spanish Constitutions: Article 10, 1837 Constitution: “There will be never imposed the penalty of confiscation of property, and no Spaniard will be deprived of his property, but for cause of public utility, subject to appropriate compensation”; art. 10, 1845 Constitution: “There will be never imposed the penalty of confiscation of property, and no Spaniard will be deprived of property except on justified grounds of public utility, subject to appropriate compensation”; art. 12, 1856 Constitution (never promulgated): “Nor shall the penalty of confiscation of property be imposed for any offense”; the 1869 Constitution did not expressly prohibit the enforcement of the penalty for the confiscation of property, although it could be implied from art. 13: “No one shall be temporarily or permanently deprived of their property and rights, or disturbed in the possession of them, except by court order. Public officials who, under any pretext violate this requirement shall be personally liable for damage caused …”; art. 10, 1876 Constitution: “The penalty of confiscation of property will be never imposed and no one shall be deprived of his property except by competent authority and for cause of public utility, subject always appropriate compensation”, art. 44, 1931 Constitution: “the penalty of confiscation of property shall be imposed in no case”; the current 1978 Constitution does not contain any provision expressly laying down such a prohibition, in the area of taxation, not penal, art. 31.1 provides that “all contribute to sustain public expenditure according to their economic (…), which in no case shall be confiscatory in scope.” On this punishment, see Miguel Pino Abad , La pena de confiscación de bienes en el Derecho histórico español (Córdoba: Universidad de Córdoba, 1999); on the legal development of the death penalty in Spain, see also Juan Sainz Guerra, La evolución del Derecho penal en España (Jaén: Universidad de Jaén, 2004), pp. 349–352.

  21. 21.

    Arts. 286 ff., 1812 Constitution. In other Spanish Constitutions: arts. 7 and 63 ff., 1837 Constitution; 7 and 66 ff., 1845 Constitution; 8 and 67 ff., 1856 Constitution (never promulgated); arts. 2-4 and 12, 1869 Constitution; 4-8, 16, 17, 76; and 79, 1876 Constitution; arts. 29, 42 and 94 ff., 1931 Constitution, arts. 17.2-4, 24.2 and 117.1, 1978 Constitution.

  22. 22.

    On this matter, see Aniceto Masferrer, “The Principle of Legality and Codification in the 19th-century Western Criminal Law Reform”, From the Judge’s Arbitrium to the Legality Principle: Legislation as a Source of Law in Criminal Trials (Georges Martyn, Anthony Musson and Heikki Pihlajamäki, eds.) (Duncker & Humblot, 2013), pp. 253–293.

  23. 23.

    See the fn n. 9, and its main text.

  24. 24.

    On this matter, see Masferrer, “The Principle of Legality and Codification in the 19th-century Western Criminal Law Reform”, cited in the fn n. 22.

  25. 25.

    In fact, it could be argued that the Prussian code of 1721 was actually a typical traditional law (“land law”) that, comprising many different provisions, was only subsidiary to the ius commune and not based on (or did not fully comply with) the principle of legality.

  26. 26.

    That was the opinion of Karl Ludwig von Bar, A History of Continental Criminal Law (originally published: Boston: Little, Brown, and Company, 1916; reprinted 1999 by The Lawbook Exchange), p. 252; see Jerome Hall, “Nulla Poena sine Lege,” (1937–1938) Yale L. J. 168; in Ancel’s view, the Tuscany code of 1786 “drawn up by a commission headed by Beccaria,” would be the first that contained a consistent recognition of the principle of legality, constituting “historically the first legislative codification expressing the new penal law of continental Europe” (Ancel, “The Collection of European Penal Codes…”, p. 344); in 1803, this code was revised, preserving the principle of legality.

  27. 27.

    The French criminal code of 1810 adopted, however, the principle of legality in a more flexible way, giving judges a legal minimum and a maximum within which they could act. This model was introduced in a number of European countries; on the relationship between the French criminal codes of 1791 and 1810, see Aniceto Masferrer, “Continuismo, reformismo y ruptura en la Codificación penal francesa. Contribución al estudio de una controversia historiográfica actual de alcance europeo”, AHDE 73 (2003), pp. 403–420; see also Ancel, “The Collection of European Penal Codes…”, p. 345.

  28. 28.

    On this code and its relationship with Feuerbach, see Karl Geisel, Der Feuerbachsche Entwurf von 1807: sein Strafsystem und dessen Entwicklung. Ein Beitrag zur Entstehung des Bayerischen Strafgesetzbuches von 1813 (Göttingen, 1929); Edwin Baumgarten, “Das bayerische Strafgesetzbuch von 1813 und Anselm von Feuerbach“, Der Gerichtssaal 81 (1913), Stuttgart, pp. 98 ff.; Karl Arnold, “Erfahrungen aus dem bayerischen StGB vom Jahre 1813 und Betrachtungen hierüber“, Archiv des Criminalrechts, Halle 1843, pp. 96 ff., pp. 240 ff., 377 ff., 512 ff.; 1844, pp. 190 ff.

  29. 29.

    Paul Johann Anselm von Feuerbach, Lehrbuch des gemeinen in Deutschland gültigen peinlichen Rechts (Gieβen, 1801); Paul Johann Anselm von Feuerbach, Über die Strafe als Sicherungsmittel vor künftigen Beleidigung des Verbrechers. Nebst einer näheren Prüfung der Kleinischen Strafrechtstheorie (Chemnitz, 1800), that was Feuerbach’s answer to the work written by Ernst Ferdinand Klein, Grundsätze des gemeinen deutschen und preußischen peinlichen Rechts (Halle, 1796); on Feuerbach, see the—classical works—written by Karl Binding, “Zum Hundertjährigen Geburtstage Anselm Feuerbachs”, Strafrechtliche und Strafprozessuale Abhandlungen I (1915), pp. 507–521; Max Grünhut, “Anselm von Feuerbach und das Problem der strafrechtlichen Zurechnung”, Hamburgische Schriften zur gesamten Strafrechtswissenschaft (Hamburg, 1922); Herbert Blohm, Feuerbach und das Reichsstrafgesetzbuch von 1871 (Breslau, 1935); Eberhard Kieper, Johann Paul Anselm Ritter von Feuerbach, sein Leben als Denker, Gesetzgeber und Richter (Darmstadt, 1969); Gustav Radbruch, Paul Johann Alselm Feuerbach. Ein Juristenleben (Göttingen, 1969); Mario A. Cattaneo, Anselm Feuerbach, filosofo e giurista liberale (Milano, 1970).

  30. 30.

    Ancel, “The Collection of European Penal Codes…”, p. 345; Hall, “Nulla Poena sine Lege”, pp. 169–170.

  31. 31.

    Ancel, “The Collection of European Penal Codes…”, pp. 346 ff.

  32. 32.

    See, among others, the following 19th-century codes: Code of Grand-Duché d’Oldemburg 1814 (Das Strafgesetzbuch für die Herzoglich–Oldenburguischen Lande von 10. September 1814, Oldenburg, 1814), Polish criminal Code of 1818, Code of the Two Sicilies of 1819, Parma criminal Code of 1820, Spanish Code of 1822, Russian Code of 1832 (coming into force in 1835), Greek criminal Code of 1834, Das Strafgesetzbuch für das Königreich Sachsen vom 30. März 1838…(Dresden, 1838), Sardinia criminal Code of 1839 (governing Piedmont and Sardinia), Das Strafgesetzbuch für das Grossherzogthum Sachsen-Weimar-Eisenach vom 5. April 1839…(Eisenach, 1840), Das Strafgesetzbuch für das Königreich Württemberg vom 5. September 1839 (Stuttgart, 1839), Allgemeines Criminal-Gesetzbuch für das Königreich Hannover vom 8. August 1840 (Hannover, 1851), Criminalgesetzbuch für das Grossherzogthum Sachsen-Altenburg vom 3. Mai 1841…(Darmstadt, 1841), Strafgesetzbuchs für das Grossherzogthum Hessen vom 17. September 1841…(Altenburg, 1841), Norwengian Code of 1842, Russian Code of 1845, Strafgesetzbuch für das Groβherzogthum Baden vom 6. Märch 1845…(Karlsruhe, 1845), Polish criminal Code of 1847 (coming into force in 1848), Das Straf-Gesetzbuch für die Frei Stadt Frankfurt und deren Gebiet in seinem Entwurfe vom Jahre 1848 nach dem am 1. Januar 1857 dahier in Kraft tretenden Straf-Gesetzbuch für das Großherzogthum Hessen (Frankfurt am Main, 1856), Spanish Codes of 1848 and 1850, Prussian Code of 1851 (Das Strafgesetzbuch für die Preussischen Staaten…vom 14 April 1851, Berlin, 1851), Austrian Code of 1852 (Das Strafgesetz über Verbrechen, Vergehen und Übertretungen, die Strafgerichts-Competenz-Verordnungen und die Preßordnung vom 27. Mai 1852 für das Raiserthum Österreich, Wien, 1852), Portugal Code of 1852, Tuscan Code of 1853, Sardinia criminal Code of 1859 (governing Piedmont, Sardinia and Lombardia), Criminalgesetzbuch für das Königreich Sachsen vom 11. August 1855…(Leipzig, 1862), Das Strafgesetzbuch für das Königreich Bayern vom 10. November 1861 (München, 1861), Swedish Code of 1864, Rumanian criminal Code of 1864, Danish Code of 1866, Belgian Penal Code of 1867, Spanish Code of 1870, Das neue Strafgesetzbuch für den Norddeutschen Bund… vom 31. Mai 1870 (Berlin, 1870), German Code of 1871 (Das Strafgesetzbuch für das Deutsche Reich), Hungarian Code of 1878, Dutch Code of 1881; Portugal Code of 1886, Zanardelli Code of 1889; Finland Code of 1889, Bulgarian Code of 1896; see also the first 20th-century criminal code of Europe: the Norwegian Code of 1902.

  33. 33.

    Feuerbach’s main merit, however, consisted in the legal recognition of the principle of legality within the political context of an absolutist state. While in France the principle of legality was recognized in the context of a political revolution to set up a liberal system, in Bavaria the principle was legally—not constitutionally, like in France—recognized in the absolutist system. On the Bavarian criminal code of 1813, see the classical works written by Ludwig von Jagermann, Das neue Badische Strafgesetzbuch mit systhematischen Übersichten, Competenzbezeichnungen, Parallelstellen, Register u.s.w., zur Erleichterung des Gebrauchs, besonders für Beamte und Geschworne (Karlsruhe, 1851); Karl Scheickert, Das badische Strafedikt von 1803 und das Strafgesetzbuch von 1845. Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutschen Partikularstrafgesetzgebung im 19. Jahrhundert (Freiburg, 1903); see also Hall, “Nulla Poena sine Lege”, pp. 169–170.

  34. 34.

    Art. 8 Bavarian criminal Code: “No one can be punished except under prior law and legally applied to the crime”; see also Hall, “Nulla Poena sine Lege”, pp. 169–170.

  35. 35.

    On the history of this principle, see J. Ballesteros Llompart, “La Historia y la Historicidad del principio jurídico nulla poena sine lege”, Estudios en honor al prof. José Corts Grau (Valencia, 1977), I, pp. 521–537; César Camargo Hernández, “El Principio de legalidad de los delitos y de las penas”, Revista de la Facultad de Derecho de la Universidad de Madrid, vol. III, nº5, 1959; Christos Dedes, “Sobre el origen del principio «nullum crimen nulla pena sine lege»,” Revista de Derecho Penal y Criminología, 2ª Época, nº 9 (2002), pp. 141–146; J. Guallart/L. de Goicoechea, “El principio «Nullum crimen, nulla poena sine previa lege» en los Fueros de Aragón,” Homenaje a la memoria de Don Juan Moneva (Zaragoza, 1954), pp. 659–682; on the history of this principle in the Spanish historiography, Aniceto Masferrer, “La historiografía penal española del siglo XX. Una aproximación a sus principales líneas temáticas y metodológicas”, Rudimentos Legales 5 (2003), footnote n. 199; in the German historiography, see A. Schottländer, Die geschichtliche Entwicklung des Satzes: Nulla poena sine lege (Ruprecht-Karls-Universität Heidelberg, 1911) (Strafrechtliche Abhandlungen 1, Heft 132, 1911); Volker Krey, Keine Strafe ohne Gesetz. Eine Einführung in die Dogmengeschichte des Satzes “nullum crimen, nulla poena sine lege” (Berlin-New York, 1983); Rolf Sprandel , “Ivo von Chartres und die moderne Doktrin «nulla poene sine lege»,” Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgechichte. Kanonistische Abteilung 47 (1961) pp. 95–108; in the Anglo-American historiography, see Hall, “Nulla Poena sine Lege”, pp. 165–193; Stanislaw Pomorski, American Common Law and the Principle Nullum Crimen sine Lege (Elzbieta Chodakowska trans., 2nd ed., 1975); Aly Mokhtar, “Nullum Crimen, Nulla Poena Sine Lege: Aspects and Prospects,” (2005) Statute Law Review 26: 41.

  36. 36.

    Only the Constitution of 1812 did not expressly mention this principle, although it can be deduced from the interpretation of certain precepts: Article 9, Constitution 1837; Article 9, Constitution 1845; Article 10, Constitution nonnata (1856); Article 11, Constitution 1869; Article 16, Constitution 1876; see also Article 28, Constitution 1931; Articles 3 and 25(1), Constitution of 1978.

  37. 37.

    On the evolution of this principle in Spanish constitutionalism, see Agustín Ruíz Robledo, “El principio de legalidad penal en la historia constitucional española”, Revista de Derecho Político XLII (1997), pp. 137–169; see also Mirow, “The Legality Principle and the Constitution of Cádiz”, cited in the fn n. 17; Matthew C. Mirow, “Codification and the Constitution of Cádiz”, Estudios Jurídicos en Homenaje al Professor Alejandro Guzmán Brito (Patricio-Ignacio Carvajal and Massimo Miglietta, eds.) (Edizioni dell’Orso, 2014), vol. 3, pp. 343–361 (available at http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1844438); see also Alejandro Agüero & Marta Lorente, “Penal enlightenment in Spain: from Beccaria’s reception to the first criminal code” (15. Noviembre 2012), forum historiae iuris, nn. 36 & 47 in fine (available at http://www.forhistiur.de/2012-11-aguero-lorente/; it has also been republished in The Spanish Enlightenment revisited, Jesús Astigarraga, ed., Voltaire Foundation–University of Oxford, 2015).

  38. 38.

    In Germany, for example, Art. 103. 2 of the current German constitution is a clear provision in line with German constitutional history itself, considering some of their constitutions, namely, that of Hessen (17.XIL.1820, §105); the Constitution of the Prussian state (5.XII.1848, §§7–8) within both the oktroyierte Verfassung (1848–1850) and reidierte Verfassung, respectively; and the Weimar Constitution (11.VII.1919, art. 116); among others; see the Dokumente zur Deutschen Verfassungsgeschichte (Herausgegeben von Ernst Rudolf Huber), 1961. I use the 3rd edition of W. Kohlhammer Verlag, Stuttgard-Berlin-Köln-Mainz, Band 1: Deutsche Verfassungsdokumente 1803–1850 (1978); Band 2: Deutsche Verfassungsdokumente 1851–1900 (1986); Band 4: Deutsche Verfassungsdokumente 1919–1933 (1991); see also Fritz Hartung, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte vom 15. Jahrhundert bis zur Gegenwart (Stuttgart: Koehler, 9th ed., 1969), pp. 310–342; on this matter, see Masferrer, “The Principle of Legality and Codification in the 19th-century Western Criminal Law Reform”, cited in the fn n. 22.

  39. 39.

    See the footnote n. 6.

  40. 40.

    Codex Iuris Bavarici Criminalis de anno MDCCLI (München, 1751); that code was a traditional ius commune type of code such as the famous Carolina of 1532; thus it was not a comprehensive code since many other laws complemented it; one might even argue that it was not a real code from a modern perspective.

  41. 41.

    Constitutio Criminalis Theresiana oder der Römisch-Kaiserl. zu Hungarn und Böheim etc. König. Apost. Majestät Maria Theresia Erzherzogin zu Oesterreich etc. Peinliche Gerichtsordnung vom 31. Dezember 1768 (Wien, 1769).

  42. 42.

    Riforma della legislazione criminale Toscana del di 30 novembre 1786 (Siena, 1786); there is a French version: Nouveau Code criminel pour le Grand-Duché de Toscane (Lausanne, 1787).

  43. 43.

    Allgemeines Gesetz über Verbrechen und derselben Bestrafung vom 13. Januar 1787 (Wien, 1787). A German-Polish version was also edited (Wien, 1787).

  44. 44.

    Code pénal des 25 septembre–6 October 1791, in Collection des lois, décrets, ordonnances, réglements et avis du Conseil d’Etat, publiée sur les editions officielles…par J.B. Duvergier, t. III; it was also edited in H. Remy, Les principes généraux du code penal de 1791 (Paris, 1910), pp. 242 ff.

  45. 45.

    Allgemeines Landrecht für die Preussischen Staten vom 5. Februar 1794, Bd. I-IV (Berlin, 1794); it has also been edited as Allgemeines Landrecht für die Preußischen Staaten von 1794. Mit einer Einführung von Dr. Hans Hattenhauer und einer Bibliographie von Dr. Günther Bernert. 2. Auflage. Neuwied-Kriftel-Berlin, 1994; see also Arno Burschmann, Textbuch zur Strafrechtsgeschichte der Neuzeit. Die klassischen Gesetze (München, 1998), pp. 272 ff.; the German historiography has considerably critizised this code, considering it as a ‘dinosaur of the criminal law’ (Klaus Volk, “Napoleon und das deutsche Strafrecht”, JuS 1991, p. 282).

  46. 46.

    Strafgesetz über Verbrechen und schwere Polizei-Übertretungen vom 3. September 1803 (JGS, Wien, 1816, n. 626, pp. 313 ff.).

  47. 47.

    Following the Austrian criminal code of 1787 (Joseph II), other codes were enacted by François II in the late 18th–early 19th centuries, namely, the criminal code of 1796 (Stradgesetzbuch für Westgalizien vom 17. Junius 1796, in Gesetz und Verfassungen im Justizfache, Justizgesetzsammlung –JGS–, Praghe, 1796).

  48. 48.

    In this regard, it is clear than the code of 1786 and the Austrian criminal code of 1787 were more heavily influenced by the Enlightenment and enlightened humanitarianism than the Bavarian code of 1751 and the Austrian criminal ordinance of 1768; on this matter, see Leslau Pauli, Peines corporelles et capitales dans la législation des États européens des années 1751–1903 (Warsawa-Krakow, 1986), pp. 10–15; Marc Ancel, “The Collection of European Penal Codes and the Study of comparative Law,” (1957–1958) 106 U. Pa. L. Rev. 329, pp. 344–345.

  49. 49.

    See the fn n. 13.

  50. 50.

    On this matter, see, for example, Michele Pifferi, Generalia delictorum. Il Tractatus criminalis di Tiberio Deciani e la “parte generale” di diritto penale (Milano: Giuffrè, 2006).

  51. 51.

    On this matter, see Masferrer, “Codification of Spanish Criminal Law in the Nineteenth Century…”, pp. 111–139; Masferrer, “Liberal State and Criminal Law Reform in Spain”, pp. 25–27.

  52. 52.

    On this matter, see Masferrer, “Continuismo, reformismo y ruptura en la Codificación penal francesa…’ cited in fn n. 26; see also X. Rousseau/M.-S. Dupont-Bouchat, “Revolutions et justice penale. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830)”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 9–15.

  53. 53.

    On the discussion about continuity and reform in nineteenth century Germany, see Karl Härter, “Kontinuität und Reform der Strafjustiz zwischen Reichsverfassung und Rheinbund”, Reich oder Nation? Mitteleuropa 1780–1815 (herausgegeben von Heinz Duchhardt und Andreas Kunz). Veröffentlichungen des Instituts für Europäische Geschichte Mainz, Abteilung Universalgeschichte, Beiheft 46 (Mainz, 1998), pp. 219–278; Regula Ludi, Die Fabrikation des Verbrechens. Zur Geschichte der modernen Kriminalpolitik 1750–1850 (Frühneuzeit-Forschungen 5) (Tübingen, bibliotheca academica, 1999) (a review of this research can be found in Karl Härter, “Von der «Entstehung des öffentlichen Strafrechts» zur «Fabrikation des Verbrechens». Neuere Forschungen zur Entwicklung von Kriminalität und Strafjustiz im früheneuzeitlichen Europa”, Rechtsgeschichte. Zeitschrift des Max-Planck-Institut für europäische Rechtsgeschichte 1 (2002), pp. 159–196); Karl Härter, “Reichsrecht und Reichsverfassung in der Auflösungsphase des Heiligen Römischen Reichs deutscher Nation: Funktionsfähigkeit, Desintegration und Transfer”, Zeitschrift für Neue Rechtsgeschichte 28 (2006), Nr. 3/4, pp. 316–337.

  54. 54.

    Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española, cited in the fn n. 8.

  55. 55.

    Fred Stevens, “La codification penale en Belgique. Heritage français et debats neerlandais (1781–1867)”, Le penal dans tous ses Etats. Justice, Etats et Sociétés en Europe (XIIe-Xxe siècles) (Bruxelles, 1997), pp. 287–302.

  56. 56.

    Mario Da Passano, “La codification du droit pénal dans l’Italie jacobine et napoleonienne”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 85–99.

  57. 57.

    Clive Emsley, “Law Reform and Penal Reform in England in the Age of the French Revolution”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 319–331.

  58. 58.

    On the influences exerted on the French codification, see Jacques Godechot, “Les influences étrangères sur le droit pénal de la Révolution française”, La revolution et l’ordre juridique privé. Rationalité ou scandale? Actes du colloque d’Orléans (11–13 septembre 1986) (Orléans, 1988), I, pp. 47–53.

  59. 59.

    On this matter, see Aniceto Masferrer, “Codification as Nationalization or Denationalization of Law: The Spanish Case in Comparative Perspective”, Comparative Legal History 4.2 (2016), pp. 100–130; see also Heikki Pihlajamäki, “Private Law Codification, Modernization and Nationalism: A View from Critical Legal History”, Critical Analysis of Law 1:2 (2015), pp. 135–152 (available at http://cal.library.utoronto.ca/index.php/cal/article/view/22518).

  60. 60.

    Reiner Schulze, “Rheinisches Recht im Wandel der Forschungsperspektiven”, ZNR (2002), pp. 65–90, particularly p. 67; Elisabeth Fehrenbach, Traditionale Gesellschaft und revolutionäres Recht: Die Einführung des Code Napoleón in den Rheinbundestaaten (Göttingen, 3 edic., 1983); Stefan Kleinbreuer, Das Rheinische Strafgesetzbuch. Das materielle Strafrecht und sein Einfluß auf die Strafgesetzgebung in Preußen und im Norddeutschen Bund (Bonn, 1999); regarding both the private law and the procedural private law, see also Werner Schubert, Französisches Recht in Deutschland zu Beginn des 19. Jahrhunderts. Zivilrecht, Gerichtsverfassungsrecht und Zivilprozeßrecht (Köln, 1977).

  61. 61.

    On this matter, see Von Kräwel, “Über die französischen Elemente im Preußischen Strafgesetzbuch“, Archiv für Preußisches Strafrecht, Berlin I (1853), pp. 461 ff.; Fritz Hartmann, Der Einfluß des französischen Rechts auf das Preußische Strafgesetzbuch von 1851 (Allgemeiner Teil). Göttingen, 1923; Volk, “Napoleon und das deutsche Strafrecht”, pp. 281–285; Frank Zieschang, Das Sanktionensystem in der Reform des französischen Strafrechts im Vergleich mit dem deutschen Strafrecht (Berlin, 1992); Werner Schubert, Der Code pénal des Königreichs Westphalen von 1813 mit dem Code pénal von 1810 im Original und in deutscher Übersetzung (Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang, 2001); Christian Brandt, Die Entstehung des Code pénal von 1810 und sein Einfluß auf die Strafgesetzgebung der deutschen Partikularstaaten des 19. Jahrhunderts am Beispiel Bayerns und Preußens (Frankfurt/Main: Peter Lang, 2002); on the codification of criminal law in Germany, see Wolfgang Sellert, “Strafrecht und Strafrechtskodifikation im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert in Deutschland”, Rechtsgeschichtliche Abhandlungen. Publikationen des Lehrstuhls für Ungarische Rechtsgeschichte an der Eötvös-Loránd-Universität, Redakteur Barno Mezey, Band 21 (Budapest, 1997), pp. 131–139; Jörg Engelbrecht, “The French Model and German Society: the Impact of the Code Penal on the Rhineland”, Revolutions et justice en Europe. Modeles français et traditions nationales (1780–1830) (Paris: L’Harmattan, 1999), pp. 101–107; see also Masferrer, “Continuismo, reformismo y ruptura en la Codificación penal francesa…”, cited in the fn n. 26.

  62. 62.

    Aniceto Masferrer, “The Napoleonic Code pénal and the Codification of Criminal Law in Spain”, Le Code Pénal. Les Métamorphoses d’un Modèle 1810–2010. Actes du colloque international Lille/Ghent, 16–18 décembre 2010 (Chantal Aboucaya & Renée Martinage, coords.) (Lille: Centre d’Histoire Judiciare, 2012), pp. 65–98; Aniceto Masferrer (ed.), La Codificación española. Una aproximación doctrinal e historiográfica a sus influencias extranjeras, y a la francesa en particular (Pamplona: Aranzadi–Thomson Reuters, 2014). Aniceto Masferrer (ed.), La Codificación penal española. Tradición e influencias extranjeras: su contribución al proceso codificador. Parte General (Pamplona: Aranzadi–Thomson Reuters, 2017).

  63. 63.

    I. Ramos Vázquez/J. Cañizares-Navarro, “La influencia francesa en la primera Codificación española: el Código penal francés de 1810 y el Código penal español de 1822”, La Codificación española. Una aproximación doctrinal e historiográfica a sus influencias extranjeras, y a la francesa en particular (Aniceto Masferrer, ed.) (Pamplona: Aranzadi–Thomson Reuters, 2014), pp. 153–212; see also Aniceto Masferrer/Dolores del Mar Sánchez-González, “Tradición e influencias extranjeras en el Código penal de 1848. Aproximación a un mito historiográfico”, La Codificación española. Una aproximación doctrinal e historiográfica a sus influencias extranjeras, y a la francesa en particular (Aniceto Masferrer, ed.) (Pamplona: Aranzadi–Thomson Reuters, 2014), pp. 213–274.

  64. 64.

    Masferrer, “Codification as Nationalization or Denationalization of Law: The Spanish Case in Comparative Perspective”, cited in the fn n. 58.

  65. 65.

    On this matter, see Bernardino Bravo Lira, “Fortuna del Código penal español de 1848. Historia en cuatro actos y tres Continentes: de Mello Freire y Zeiller a Vasconcelos y Seijas Lozano”, AHDE 74 (2004), pp. 23–58, p. 24.

  66. 66.

    Jean Domat, Les lois civiles dans leur ordre natural, 3 vols. (Paris, 1689–1694).a

  67. 67.

    Henri F. D’Aguesseau, Oeuvres complètes du chancelier d’Aguesseau, 13 vols. (Paris, 1759–1789); Jean M. Pardessus edited a revised version in 16 vols (Paris, 1819).

  68. 68.

    Robert Joseph Pothier, Pandectae Iustinianeae in novum ordinem digestae, 3 vols. (Paris, 1748–1752); Traité des obligations, 2 vols. (Paris, Orleans, 1761–1764).

  69. 69.

    On this matter, see Alain Watson, Legal Transplants (Edinburgh, 1974; Athens, Ga., 1993, 2ª ed.); for the opposite view, see Pierre Legrand, “The Impossibility of ‘Legal Transplants’” 4 Maastricht Journal of European and Comparative Law 1997, 111 ff.; Watson’s answer to Pierre Legrand can be seen in Alain Watson, ‘Legal Transplants and European Private Law’ Electronic Journal of Comparative Law vol. 4.4 (December 2000) (available at http://www.ejcl.org/ejcl/44/44-2.html).

  70. 70.

    M. Espagne & M. Werner, “Deutsch-französischer Kulturtransfer im 18. und 19. Jahrhundert. Zu einem neuen interdiszipliären Forschungsprogramm des C.N.R.S.” (1985) 13 Francia: Forschungen zur westeuropäischen Geschichte, pp. 502–510; M. Espagne & M. Werner, “La construction d’une référence culturelle allemande en France: genèse et histoire (1750–1914)” (1987) 42 Annales. Économies, Sociétés, Civilisations, 969–92; Michel Espagne, Les transferts culturels francoallemand (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1999).

  71. 71.

    See the footnotes n. 25 ff., and their main texts.

  72. 72.

    Now I’m using the expression ‘modern’ as synonym of ‘liberal.’ This does not mean that I fully disagree with the Cartuyvles’ notion of ‘modern codes’, referring to those that were promulgated in the second half of the 18th century and in the context of absolutist monarchies (Prussia, 1748; Bavaria, 1751; Russia, 1767; Toscania, 1786; Austria, 1787; Lombardia, 1791; and again Prussia, 1794). I agree that these codes can be regarded as ‘qualitative’ in the sense that were part of a new political and philosophical project based on state monism and natural law. However, 18th-century ‘modern codes’ (as Cartuyvels call them) could not compete with the 19th-century ‘liberal codes’ that were promulgated within a constitutional political context that implied the recognition of national sovereignty—instead of absolute monarchy—and the guarantee of the liberal principles of legality and equality; in other words, although they might be somehow regarded as ‘modern’ from a scholarly or jurisprudential perspective, political absolutism burdened them considerably; on this matter, see Cartuyvels, D’où vient le code pénal?: une approche généalogique des premiers codes pénaux absolutistes au XVIIIe siècle, and Cartuyvels, “Eléments pour une approche généalogique du code penal”, both cited in the footnote n. 13.

  73. 73.

    For English-speaking territories, there are several translations, including that of J. Fergus Belanger (1811); see also The Penal Code of France, Translated into English… (London: H. Butterworth, 1819); in the 20th century, see that of Jean F. Moreau & Gerhard O.W. Mueller, The Penal Code of France (1960; see a review of it on http://www.jstor.org/pss/3478667).

  74. 74.

    There are several translations of the Code pénal into German: F. C. Flaxland/Faustin Hélie, Criminal-Gesetzgebung des französischen Reichs 2. Pönal-Codex oder Gesetzbuch der Verbrechen und Strafen (Straßburg: Treuttel 1810); Strafgesetzbuch des französischen Reiches: nach dem offiziellen Texte übersetzt/von Joh. Birnbaum, Richter zu Trier (Trier: J. J. Lintz, 1810); Code pénal. Aus dem Franz. nach der officiellen Ausg. übers. von Wilhelm Blanchard (Köln 1811; that was the official translation for the Rhineland); Straf-Codex für das französische Reich. Übersetzt und mit Anmerkungen so wie mit einer Übersicht der neuen französichen Criminal-Prozess-Ordnung versehen von L. Hundrich (Magdeburg 1811, ND 2006); Napoleons peinliches und Polizey - Strafgesetzbuch. Nach der Original-Ausgabe übersetzt, mit einer Einleitung und Bemerkungen über Frankreichs Justiz- und Polizey-Verfassung, die Motive dieser Gesetzgebung und ihre Verhältnisse zu Oesterreichs und Preußens Gesetzbüchern von Theodor Hartleben (Frankfurt a. M., 1811); Heinrich Gottfried Wilhelm Daniels, Criminal-Gesetzbuch Frankreichs, Tl. 1-2, 2. verb. und verm. Aufl. (Köln 1812); Johann Wilhelm August Rosenthal, Wesentliche Grundzüge des Strafgesetzbuchs Frankreichs; übersichtlich und systematisch darstellt, und mit einem möglichst vollständigen Sachregister versehen, nebst einem, die besondern Gesetze und Decrete in alphabetischer Ordnung enthaltenen Anhange (Hamburg: Bohn 1812); Der Code pénal des Königreichs Westphalen von 1813 mit dem Code pénal von 1810 im Original und in deutscher Übersetzung, hrsg. und mit einer Einl. versehen von Werner Schubert (Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] 2001); Schubert, Der Code pénal des Königreichs Westphalen von 1813 mit dem Code pénal von 1810…cit., pp. 12–13; on this issue, see K. Härter, “The Influence of the Napoleonic Penal Code of 1810 on the Development of Criminal Law in Central Europe,” published in this volume.

  75. 75.

    For Spain, see the Código penal del imperio Francés, traducido en lengua española por el texto de la edición original y la unica que […] publicado de oficio, por el jurisconsulto Don Benito Redondo,… (Paris: P.-N. Rougeron, 1810); Code pénal de l’empire français, traduit en langue espagnole sur le texte de l’édition originale et seule officielle, par Don Benoit Redondo.

  76. 76.

    (Conde de Toreno) “La situación de la Francia con respecto á este asunto es diferente de la nuestra. Su idioma es general en toda la Europa, al paso que el nuestro es muy poco usado. Si allí se escribiese un periódico en lengua española, solo circularía aquí, y poco daño podría hacer a otras potencias, pero escrito en lengua francesa circularía por toda la Europa…” (DSC, Congreso, 24 de enero de 1822, p. 1984).

  77. 77.

    On this matter, see my forthcoming article “French Codification and ‘Codiphobia’ in the Common Law Tradition”, which describes the impact of the French codification in common law jurisdictions.

  78. 78.

    On this matter, see, for example, William Tetley, “Mixed jurisdictions: common law v. civil law (codified and uncodified)”, 4 Unif. L. Rev. 591 (1999), pp. 600–601; Jean Limpens, “Territorial Expansion of the Code,” Bernard Schwartz (ed.), The Code Napoleon and the Common-Law World (New York, 1956—I use the The Lawbook Exchange edition, Union-New Jersey, 1998), 93–109; see Schwartz book’s review in Joseph Dainow, “The Civil Code and the Common Law” (1956–1967) 51 Nw. U. L. Rev. 719; an old, Anglo-American view on the impact of the French codification can be seen in Charles S. Lobinger, “The Napoleon Centenary’s Legal Significance”, (1921) 55 Am. L. Rev. 665.

  79. 79.

    For a general view on the history of criminal law in nineteenth-century Britain, see William Rodolf Cornish/Jenifer Hart/A.H. Manchester/J. Stevenson, Crime and Law in Nineteenth Century Britain (Dublin: Irish University Press, 1978); Sir Leon Radzinowicz/Roger Hood, A History of English Criminal Law and its Administration from 1750 (London: Stevens & Sons, 1986), vol. 5, pp. 723–740; John Hostettler, The Politics of Criminal Law Reform in the Nineteenth Century (Chichester: Barry Rose, 1992); David Bentley, English Criminal Justice in the Nineteenth Century (London: Hambledon Press, 1998); David J.A. Cairns, Advocacy and the Making of the Adversarial Criminal Trial 1800–1865 (Oxford, 1998).

  80. 80.

    As Hostettler shows, from the Commissioner’s First Report (1834), it was clear that there was a will to draft a digest with Brougham in charge. Lord Wynford—not willing to follow the French code’s example, since the brevity of Napoleon’s code “almost put absolute power into the hands of the judges”—warned about the main difficulties of such an undertaking. The notions of code and digest started to get confused, and identifying the code with the French experience wounded British pride (Hostettler, The Politics of Criminal Law Reform in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 39–40). Later, Hostettler goes on, four kinds of codification were distinguished, namely, the Bentham Code, the French Code, Partial Codes, like the 1882 Bill of Exchange Act and the 1892 Bill of Sale Of Goods Act, and the Stephen Code (Hostettler, The Politics of Criminal Law Reform in the Nineteenth Century, pp. 210–211); see also M.D. Chalmers, “An Experiment in Codification” (1886) 2 Law Quarterly Review 125; the French civil code was immediately translated from French into English: Code Napoleon; or The French Civil Code. Literally translated from the original and official edition, published at Paris, in 1804. By a Barrister of the Inner Temple. Claitor’s Book Store, Baton Rouge 2, La, 1969 Reprint; the American John Rodman, a prominent member of the metropolitan bar, translated the four French codes.

  81. 81.

    Anthony Hammond, A Letter to the Members of the Different Circuits (London, 1826); The Criminal Code. Coining. London, Printed by George Eyre and Andrew Strahan, Printers to the King’s Most Excellent Majesty, 1825; Anthony Hammond noted that “this Article of the Criminal Code contains a Digest of Judicial Decisions, a Consolidation of the Enactments, the Opinions of the Texts Writers, and the Law of Scotland and of France; the former from the Commentaries of Mr. Baron Hume, the latter from the Code Napoleon (p. III), see also The First Report from his Majesty’s Commissioners on the Criminal Law, 24th June 1834 (Ordered, by The House of Commons, to be Printed, 30 July 1834) contained as Appendix, several excerpts from both the Louisiana Code (pp. 43–49) and the French Code (pp. 49–51); see First Report from his Majesty’s Commissioners on the Criminal Law (24th June 1834). London, 1834, en Reports from Commissioners, 22 volumes (8), Session 4 February-15 August 1834, vol. XXVI (1834), pp. 117–177).

  82. 82.

    On Western Australia, see R.G. Kenny, An Introduction to Criminal Law in Queensland and Western Australia (LexisNexis Butterworths, 2008), 7th ed., pp. 1–10; Enid Russell, A History of the Law in Western Australia and its Development from 1829 to 1979 (University of Western Australia Press, 1980), pp. 233–238; Jeremy Finn, “Codification of the Criminal Law: the Australian Parliamentary Experience,” B. Godfrey & G. Dunstall (eds.), Crime and Empire 1840–1940. Criminal Justice in Local and Global Context (Cullompton: William Publishing, 2005), 224–237 (also available at http://ir.canterbury.ac.nz/bitstream/10092/1828/1/12590980_Codification%20of%20the%20Criminal%20Law.pdf, which I consulted on August 20, 2016).

  83. 83.

    The Criminal Code of Western Australia, and the Criminal Practice Rules of 1902, with Index to the Act (1 & 2 Edwd. VII., No. 14) and the Code of Criminal Law set forth in the First Schedule thereof. Perth, W.M. Alfred Watson, Government Printer, 1902; An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (Assented to, 20th December, 1902, Western Australia). Perth, W.M. Alfred Watson, Government Printer, 1902; An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (Assented to, 20th December, 1902, Western Australia). Perth, W.M. Alfred Watson, Government Printer, 1902 (it contains only a repeal of Subsection 5 of Section 19; and an Amendment of Section 319); An Act to Amend the Criminal Code (Assented to 14th December, 1906, Western Australia). Perth, W.M. Alfred Watson, Government Printer, 1902; the current code of Western Australia is the Criminal Code Act 1913.

  84. 84.

    A. Jamenson, the Minister for Lands, in moving the second reading of the Criminal Code Bill, was fully aware of and emphasized the fact that “this is probably the most comprehensive Bill which has ever come before the House”, and added: “It is a measure that simplifies and consolidates our criminal law, and thus is entirely in accordance with the progressive spirit of our time. Indeed, I think all progressive countries have a criminal code. I know that these remarks apply to France and Italy, and to all the Northern States of America. Both New Zealand and Queensland have a criminal code. Indeed, the criminal code of Queensland is really the source from which this code has been drawn” (Western Australian Parliamentary Debates, WAPD, vol. XX, p. 2446 [22 January 1902]).

  85. 85.

    On this matter, see Friedrich Schaffstein , “Tiberius Decian us und seine Bedeutung für die Entstehung des Allgemeinen Teils im Gemeinen deutschen Strafrecht”, Abhandlungen zur Strafrechtsgeschichte und zur Wissenschaftsgeschichte (Darmstadt: Scientia Verlag Aalen, 1986), pp. 199–226; see also F. Javier Álvarez García, “Relaciones entre la parte general y la parte especial del Derecho Penal (I)”, Anuario del Derecho Penal y de las Ciencias Penales 46 (1993), f. III, pp. 1021–1023; Masferrer, Tradición y reformismo en la Codificación penal española…, pp. 114–117.

  86. 86.

    See my chapter entitled “The Myth of French Influence over Spanish Codification: The General Part of the Criminal Codes of 1822 and 1848,” published in this volume.

  87. 87.

    Masferrer, “The Napoleonic Code pénal and the Codification of Criminal Law in Spain”, cited in fn n. 60; see also Emilia Iñesta-Pastor, “The influence of the 1819 criminal code of the Two Sicilies upon the Spanish criminal law codification and the parliament of the nineteenth century”, Culture parlamentari a confronto. Modelli della rappresentanza politica e identità nazionali (Andrea Romano, ed.) (Bologna: CLUEB, 2016), pp. 245–259; on the weight of the tradition in the Latin American codification of criminal law, see Emilia Iñesta-Pastor, “Los delitos contra la propiedad en la codificación penal hispanoamericana: la pervivencia jurídica indiana,” Actas XVIII Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano, Córdoba, Argentina, 2012 (Alejando Agüero & Pedro Yanzi Ferreira eds.) (Córdoba, Argentina, 2016), pp. 1287–1327.

  88. 88.

    On this matter, see some works by Emilia Iñesta-Pastor, “La proyección hispanoamericana del Código Penal español de 1848,” II, Estudios, Actas del XIII Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia de Derecho Indiano (González Vale, ed.) (San Juan de Puerto Rico, 2003), pp. 493–521; by the same autor, “El Código Penal chileno de 1874,” Revista Chilena de Historia del Derecho, 19 (Santiago de Chile, 2006), pp. 293–328; Iñesta-Pastor, Emilia, “Antecedentes histórico-jurídicos del Código penal chileno de 1874”, Derecho, Instituciones y Procesos históricos, XIV Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano, III (José De La Puente Brunke y Armando Guevara Gil, eds.) (Lima: Instituto Riva Agüero, Universidad Pontificia de Lima, 2008), pp. 203–242; by the same author, “La reforma penal del Perú independiente: El Código Penal de 1863,” Actas XV Congreso del Instituto Internacional de Historia del Derecho Indiano, II, Córdoba, España, 2005 (Manuel Torres Aguilar, coord.) (Córdoba: Universidad-Diputación, 2008), pp. 1071–1098.

  89. 89.

    On this matter, see Bravo Lira, “Fortuna del Código penal español de 1848…,” pp. 40 ff.; Bernardino Bravo Lira, “Bicentenario del Código penal de Austria. Su proyección desde el Danubio a Filipinas”, Revista de Estudios Histórico-Jurídicos de Valparaíso (Chile) 26 (2004), pp. 140–145.

  90. 90.

    Bravo Lira, “Fortuna del Código penal español de 1848…,” p. 57 (where the author resorts to the thesis of André-Jean Arnaud, Origines doctrinelles du code civil français (Paris, 1969): “Francia no estaba preparada en su conjunto para las construcciones racionalistas que gozaban de gran favor en Europa central. Los juristas franceses seguían adheridos al viejo plan tripartito de las Instituciones, con las antedichas aproximaciones al espíritu moderno. Otro tanto hicieron los codificadores”).

  91. 91.

    Fr. Tulkens, M. van de Kerchove, Y. Cartuyvels, Ch. Guillain, Introduction au droit penal. Aspects juridiques et criminologiques (Diegem: Kluwer, 2014), p. 98.

  92. 92.

    Corte di Cassazione di Roma, udienza 12 ottobre 1893. Pres. De Cesare, Est. Onnis, Rc. PM e Forcellino, “Il foro italiano”, a. XIX (1894), vol. XIX, cc. 64–66; Corte di Cassazione di Roma, udeinza 28 dicembre 1893. Pres. De Cesare, Est. Lucchini, Ric. Porzio, ivi, cc. 99–100; Corte di Cassazione di Roma, udienza 21 gennaio 1895. Pres. Canonico, Est. Basile, Ric. Carnevali e Menghini, “Il foro italiano”, a. XX (1895), vol XX, cc. 75–82.

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Masferrer, A. (2018). Tradition and Foreign Influences in the 19th Century Codification of Criminal Law: Dispelling the Myth of the Pervasive French Influence in Europe and Latin America. In: Masferrer, A. (eds) The Western Codification of Criminal Law . Studies in the History of Law and Justice, vol 11. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71912-2_1

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