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Disciplinary Governance and Social Control in China

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Governance, Social Control and Legal Reform in China

Abstract

This chapter gives China a socio-morphological analysis. By using liberal governance as a foil, it illustrates the ‘disciplinary governance’ in China. The chapter illustrates the basic structure of disciplinary governance from two aspects, that is, the state’s control of citizens and the state’s control of agents, government institutions and social organisations through the Chinese danwei system. The chapter explains how disciplinary governance shaped the populist penal culture in China. It also highlights how the populist penal culture led to the police domination of criminal justice and a marginalised judiciary. In the final part, the chapter discusses the challenges and opportunities for CSM reform under disciplinary governance.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    I do not intend to embarrass my home country by using this term. ‘Patrimonial governance’ is used in the sociological context here. Most traditional societies experienced patrimonial governance. In the process of modernisation, many of them retained some features of patrimonial governance, for example, a symbolic monarch. The coexistence of modern and patrimonial elements in contemporary societies is far more common than people tend to believe. China is not an exception in this regard.

  2. 2.

    When the first imperial dynasty of China was established.

  3. 3.

    See the discussion about this crisis in Chap. 1.

  4. 4.

    Articles 6, 7 and 10 of The Regulations on Household Registration in the People’s Republic of China 1958.

  5. 5.

    Which has become meaningless anyway.

  6. 6.

    The idea that the whole world is under the emperor’s influence is a crucial aspect of Chinese philosophy. In The Book of Odes (an important source of Confucius’ thinking), it says ‘Under the wide heaven, all is the kings’ land. Within the sea-boundaries of the land, all are the kings’ servants.’

  7. 7.

    Because their positions are too faraway in the range of circles surrounding the emperor.

  8. 8.

    Articles 30 and 31 of the 1997 Criminal Code.

  9. 9.

    For example, the Chinese Red Cross Foundation. See The Law on the Chinese Red Cross Foundation 《中华人民共和国红十字会法》.

  10. 10.

    These institutions include the National People’s Congress and regional people’s congresses. They are the official electoral bodies and legislatures of China. This category also covers the political consultative committees (zhengzhi xieshang weiyuanhui).

  11. 11.

    For example, the Party’s Inspection and Discipline Committees (IDCs) are charged with the responsibility of investigating Party members’ corruption cases. Although they are not judicial institutions, IDCs are important players in the criminal justice of China. The Party’s Politics and Law Committees (PLCs) have the authority of overseeing judicial affairs at regional and local levels. In practice, those institutions are the true decision-making agencies in local penal policies. Their role in the CSM reform will be discussed in Chaps. 4 and 5.

  12. 12.

    In the Confucian Classic Mencius (Mengzi), this amplifying effect of hierarchical subordination is summarised in the following words: ‘What the superior favours will receive excessively enthusiastic responses from his subordinates’ (shangyou suohao, xiabi shenyan).

  13. 13.

    It is common to find Party committees in subsidiary institutions.

  14. 14.

    See Diagram 3.2.

  15. 15.

    See the discussion in Chap. 1.

  16. 16.

    Data are available online at <http://databank.worldbank.org/data/reports.aspx?source=Worldwide-Governance-Indicators> last accessed on 17/05/2017.

  17. 17.

    The World Bank defines regulatory quality as ‘the ability of the government to formulate and implement sound policies and regulations that permit and promote private sector development’.

  18. 18.

    The World Bank defines government effectiveness as ‘the quality of public services, the quality of the civil service and the degree of its independence from political pressures, the quality of policy formulation and implementation, and the credibility of the government’s commitment to such policies’.

  19. 19.

    It is not surprising that China scored higher in this respect. As mentioned earlier, central gaze and danwei discipline can guarantee efficiency to some extent, but sometimes the ‘efficiency’ is not real efficiency, and sometimes it is not the desirable efficiency from the citizens’ perspective.

  20. 20.

    Article 1, SCNPC, Decision on Severe Punishments for Offenders Seriously Endangering Public Security, 02/09/1983. 即《全国人大常委会关于严惩严重危害社会治安的犯罪分子的决定》,一九八三年九月二日通过.

  21. 21.

    SCNPC, Decision on Swift Procedure for Sentencing Offenders Seriously Endangering Public Security, 02/09/1983, 即《全国人大常委会关于迅速审判严重危害社会治安的犯罪分子的程序的决定》,一九八三年九月二日通过.

  22. 22.

    即全国人大常委会《治安管理处罚条例 (1986) 》. The regulation has been invalidated by the SCNPC and replaced by Administrative Penalty Law (2005). 即全国人大常委会《治安管理处罚法 (2005) 》.

  23. 23.

    A police detention centre is different from a prison in China. Prisons are managed at the provincial level by the Ministry of Justice, while detention centres are managed at the local level by the police. Both types of institutions are staffed by policemen. Pre-detainees and offenders sentenced to short-term imprisonment (less than three months) shall stay in police detention centres rather than in prison.

  24. 24.

    即国务院《城市流浪乞讨人员收容遣送办法 (1982) 》. The regulation has been invalidated by the State Council and replaced by Regulation on Remedy and Management of Urban Vagrants (2003). 即国务院《城市生活无着的流浪乞讨人员救助管理办法 (2003) 》.

  25. 25.

    即国务院《关于劳动教养的补充规定 (1979) 》. The regulation has been invalidated by the SCNPC; therefore officially police sanction Type C1 has been abolished. See SCNPC, Decision on Abolishing Reform through Labour, 28/12/2013. 即全国人大常委会《关于废止劳动教养法律规定的决定》二零一三年十二月二十八日通过.

  26. 26.

    即全国人大常委会《关于禁毒的决定 (1990) 》. The regulation has been invalidated and replaced by the Law against Drug Abuse (2007). Drug abuse alone is not a crime in China according to the 1997 Criminal Code. The Criminal Code only punishes drug trafficking and misbehaviour related to trafficking. However, according to the Law against Drug Abuse (2007), the police can still impose detention sanctions on drug abusers.

  27. 27.

    即《全国人大常委会关于卖淫嫖娼的决定 (1991) 》. Working as a prostitute is not a crime in China. Clients are not punishable under the Criminal Code, either. The 1997 Criminal Code only punishes people who force others to be prostitutes or organise others (both male and female) to work as prostitutes. However, the regulation passed by SCNPC in 1991 makes both prostitutes and their clients punishable by police sanctions.

  28. 28.

    即 国务院《卖淫嫖娼人员收容教育办法 (1993) 》及 2011 修订版.

  29. 29.

    The less cases get appealed, the better.

  30. 30.

    The less decisions get reversed by the appeal court, the better.

  31. 31.

    The less cases get complained or petitioned, the better.

  32. 32.

    See the discussion in Chap. 2.

  33. 33.

    It used to be compulsory for migrants to apply for temporary residence cards at the places of their residences. The card is usually issued by the police.

  34. 34.

    For details, see Table 3.1.

  35. 35.

    For details, see Table 3.1.

  36. 36.

    Smaller bureaucracy is better for danwei discipline and the central monopoly of social capital. As Weber (1951) and Van Der Sprenkel (1964) pointed out, throughout history, the formal Chinese bureaucracy was small in size, because it was designed for internal control rather than external functionality.

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  1. University of Hertfordshire, Hatfield, UK

    Qi Chen

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  1. Qi Chen
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Chen, Q. (2018). Disciplinary Governance and Social Control in China. In: Governance, Social Control and Legal Reform in China. Palgrave Advances in Criminology and Criminal Justice in Asia. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71864-4_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71864-4_3

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