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Print and Party Politics in Ireland, 1689-1714

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in the History of the Media ((PSHM))

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Abstract

Drawing on secondary research examining Irish political affairs in the wake of the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689, and research focussed on the history of the book and print trade in Ireland, the introductory chapter sets the research presented in this monograph in wider historical, geographical and chronological context. Key differences between the whig and tory parties as they developed in Ireland and Britain are considered. The development and size of the Irish print industry, the market for printed works and the regulatory framework in which Irish publishers operated will also receive attention here. Finally the approach and content of the monograph are introduced.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    J. H. Plumb, The Growth of Political Stability in England, 1675–1725 (London, 1967).

  2. 2.

    G. V. Bennett, ‘Conflict in the Church’, in Britain after the Glorious Revolution, ed. G. S. Holmes (London, 1989), 159–62.

  3. 3.

    Mark Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation in Later Stuart Britain: Partisanship and Political Culture (Oxford, 2006), 11.

  4. 4.

    Jürgen Habermas, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere: An Enquiry into a Category of Bourgeois Society, trans. Thomas Burger (Oxford, 1999), 62; Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation, 14.

  5. 5.

    B. G. Carruthers, City of Capital: Politics and Markets in the English Financial Revolution (Princeton, 1996), 85.

  6. 6.

    Henry Horwitz, Parliament , Policy, and Politics in the Reign of William III (Manchester, 1977), 21–22.

  7. 7.

    J. G. Simms, Jacobite Ireland, 1685–1691 (Dublin, 2000), 49; Raymond Gillespie, ‘The Irish Protestants and James II’, Irish Historical Studies 37 (1992): 129; S. J. Connolly, ‘Reformers and Highflyers: The Post-Revolution Church’, in As by Law Established: The Church of Ireland since the Reformation, ed. James McGuire and Kenneth Milne (Dublin, 1995), 153.

  8. 8.

    S. J. Connolly, ‘The Glorious Revolution in Irish Protestant Political Thinking’, in Political Ideas in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, ed. S. J. Connolly (Dublin, 2000), 28; Daniel Szechi, The Jacobites : Britain and Europe, 1688–1788 (Manchester, 1994), 260.

  9. 9.

    D. W. Hayton, Ruling Ireland, 1685–1742: Politics, Politicians and Parties (Woodbridge, 2004), 119.

  10. 10.

    S. J. Connolly, Religion, Law, and Power: The Making of Protestant Ireland, 1660–1760 (Oxford, 1999), 79.

  11. 11.

    F. G. James, Ireland in the Empire 1688–1770. A History of Ireland from the Williamite Wars to the Eve of the American Revolution (London, 1973), 50; E. M. Johnston, Ireland in the Eighteenth Century (Dublin, 1974), 54; J. G. Simms, ‘The Establishment of Protestant Ascendancy, 1691–1714’, in New History of Ireland, IV, Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 1691–1800, ed. T. W. Moody and W. E. Vaughan (Oxford, 2009), 1.

  12. 12.

    Connolly, ‘Reformers and Highflyers’, 153; Patrick McNally, ‘The Hanoverian Accession and the Tory Party in Ireland’, Parliamentary History 14, no. 3 (1995): 264.

  13. 13.

    McNally, ‘Hanoverian Accession’, 264; Joseph Richardson, ‘Archbishop William King (1650–1729): “Church Tory and State Whig”’, Eighteenth-Century Ireland 15 (2000): 75.

  14. 14.

    See C. D. A. Leighton, ‘The Non-Jurors and Their History’, Journal of Religious History 29, no. 3 (2005): 242–57.

  15. 15.

    See C. I. McGrath, The Making of the Eighteenth-Century Irish Constitution: Government, Parliament and the Revenue, 1692–1714 (Dublin, 2000); C. I. McGrath, ‘Parliamentary Additional Supply: The Development and Use of Regular Short-Term Taxation in the Irish Parliament, 1692–1716’, Parliamentary History 20, no. 1 (2001).

  16. 16.

    Hayton, Ruling Ireland, 106–30.

  17. 17.

    An Octennial Act was passed in 1768.

  18. 18.

    See P. A. Walsh, The South Sea Bubble and Ireland: Money, Banking and Investment, 1690–1721 (Woodbridge, 2014); S. D. Moore, Swift, the Book, and the Irish Financial Revolution: Satire and Sovereignty in Colonial Ireland (Baltimore, 2010).

  19. 19.

    D. W. Hayton, ‘A Debate in the Irish House of Commons in 1703: A Whiff of Tory Grapeshot’, Parliamentary History 10 (1991): 152.

  20. 20.

    See Éamonn Ó Ciardha, Ireland and the Jacobite Cause, 1685–1766: A Fatal Attachment (Dublin, 2004), 169, 177.

  21. 21.

    Connolly, Religion, Law, and Power, 79; Connolly, ‘Reformers and Highflyers’, 155, 160–61; Hayton, Ruling Ireland, 139–44.

  22. 22.

    See Gerald Bray, ed., Records of Convocation , XVII: Ireland, 1690–1869, Pt 1. Both Houses: 1690–1702; Upper House: 1703–1713, vol. XVII (Woodbridge, 2006); Gerald Bray, ed., Records of Convocation , XVIII: Ireland, 1690–1869, Pt 2. Lower House: 1703–1713; Both Houses: 1714–1869, vol. XVIII (Woodbridge, 2006).

  23. 23.

    Connolly, Religion, Law, and Power, 79.

  24. 24.

    See, for example, Geoffrey Holmes, British Politics in the Age of Anne, 2nd ed. (London, 1987); Geoffrey Holmes, The Sacheverell Riots : The Crowd and the Church in Early Eighteenth-Century London, vol. 72 (1976); Alan Downie, Robert Harley and the Press: Propaganda and Public Opinion in the Age of Swift and Defoe (London, 1979); J. A. Downie, ‘The Development of the Political Press’, in Britain in the First Age of Party, 1680–1750: Essays Presented to Geoffrey Holmes, ed. Clyve Jones (London, 1987); H. L. Snyder, ‘The Circulation of Newspapers in the Reign of Queen Anne’, The Library, 5, 23, no. 3 (1968): 206–35.

  25. 25.

    Peter Lake and Steven Pincus, ‘Rethinking the Public Sphere in Early Modern England’, Journal of British Studies 45 (2006): 270; Joad Raymond, Pamphlets and Pamphleteering in Early Modern Britain (Cambridge, 2006); Brian Cowan, ‘Mr. Spectator and the Coffeehouse Public Sphere’, Eighteenth-Century Studies 37, no. 3 (2004a): 345–66; Brian Cowan, ‘What Was Masculine about the Public Sphere? Gender and the Coffeehouse Milieu in Post-Restoration England’, History Workshop Journal, no. 51 (2001): 127–57.

  26. 26.

    Knights, Representation and Misrepresentation, 51.

  27. 27.

    Knights, 15–16.

  28. 28.

    Ian Atherton, ‘The Press and Popular Political Opinion’, in A Companion to Stuart Britain, ed. Barry Coward (Oxford, 2003), 94–98; Dan Bogart, ‘Did the Glorious Revolution Contribute to the Transport Revolution? Evidence from Investment in Roads and Rivers’, Economic History Review 64, no. 4 (2011): 1073–112.

  29. 29.

    Steven Pincus, ‘“Coffee Politicians Does Create”: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture’, Journal of Modern History 67, no. 4 (1995): 813–15; Cowan, ‘Mr. Spectator and the Coffeehouse Public Sphere’, 345–66; Brian Cowan, ‘The Rise of the Coffeehouse Reconsidered’, Historical Journal XLVII, no. 1 (2004b): 21–46.

  30. 30.

    Philip Hamburger, ‘The Development of the Law of Seditious Libel and the Control of the Press’, Stanford Law Review 37, no. 3 (1985): 682, 733–38; P. B. J. Hyland, ‘Liberty and Libel: Government and the Press during the Succession Crisis in Britain, 1712–1716’, English Historical Review 101, no. 401 (1986): 864.

  31. 31.

    Other important works include J. W. Phillips, Printing and Bookselling in Dublin: A Bibliographical Enquiry (Dublin, 1998); R. R. Madden, The History of Irish Periodical Literature, from the End of the 17th to the Middle of the 19th Century, vol. 1, 2 vols (London, 1867); W. G. Wheeler, ‘The Spread of Provincial Printing in Ireland up to 1850’, Irish Booklore 4, no. 1 (1976): 363–78; E. R. McClintock Dix, ‘The Crooke Family’, Bibliographical Society of Ireland 2 (1921): 16–17.

  32. 32.

    Mary Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800 (Oxford, 1989), 1–11, 19. See also Gerard O’Brien, ‘The Unimportance of Public Opinion in Eighteenth-Century Britain and Ireland’, Eighteenth-Century Ireland 8 (1993): 121.

  33. 33.

    Colm Lennon, ‘The Print Trade, 1700–1800’, in The Oxford History of the Irish Book, III: The Irish Book in English 1550–1800, ed. Raymond Gillespie and Andrew Hadfield (Oxford, 2006), 61; Raymond Gillespie, Reading Ireland: Print, Reading and Social Change in Early Modern Ireland (Manchester, 2005), 55.

  34. 34.

    Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 1.

  35. 35.

    Mary Pollard, A Dictionary of Members of the Dublin Book Trade, 1550–1800: Based on the Records of the Guild of St Luke the Evangelist, Dublin (London, 2000), 128–29; Dix, ‘The Crooke Family’, 16–17.

  36. 36.

    Ray had been sworn free of the London Stationers Company in 1675 and two years later sworn into the Guild of St Luke. See Pollard, Dictionary, 480; Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 2–11.

  37. 37.

    Pollard, Dictionary, XV.

  38. 38.

    Pollard, 480.

  39. 39.

    See Niall Ó Ciosáin, Print and Popular Culture in Ireland, 1750–1850 (Dublin, 2010), 38.

  40. 40.

    Raymond Gillespie, ‘Circulation of Print in Seventeenth-Century Ireland’, Studia Hibernica, no. 29 (July 1995): 32; T. C. Barnard, ‘Print Culture, 1700–1800’, in The Oxford History of the Irish Book, III: The Irish Book in English 1550–1800, ed. Raymond Gillespie and Andrew Hadfield (Oxford, 2006), 43.

  41. 41.

    Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 36, 40.

  42. 42.

    Gillespie, ‘Circulation of Print’, 32–33.

  43. 43.

    Ó Ciosáin, Print and Popular Culture in Ireland, 1750–1850, 154.

  44. 44.

    Sabine Baltes, The Pamphlet Controversy about Wood’s Halfpence (1722–1725) and the Tradition of Irish Constitutional Nationalism (Munster, 2002), 23–24; Robert Munter, History of the Irish Newspaper (Cambridge, 1967), 68.

  45. 45.

    Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 5–8; Wheeler, ‘The Spread of Provincial Printing in Ireland up to 1850’, 7–19.

  46. 46.

    Based on figures from the English Short Title Catalogue (ESTC). This was not a unique situation: London and Edinburgh also dominated the print output of their respective countries. Based on figures from the ESTC, London maintained a 94% share of the English print trade in the seventeenth century, declining to approximately 87% in the eighteenth century. Edinburgh produced some 90% of Scotland’s print output in the seventeenth century, declining to 80% in the century that followed. See also, R. B. Sher, ‘Corporatism and Consensus in the Late Eighteenth-Century Book Trade: The Edinburgh Booksellers’ Society in Comparative Perspective’, Book History 1 (1998): 33.

  47. 47.

    Gillespie, ‘Circulation of Print’, 38, 41–43, 58.

  48. 48.

    See James Kelly, ‘Regulating Print: The State and Control of Print in Eighteenth-Century Ireland’, Eighteenth-Century Ireland 23 (2008): 142–74.

  49. 49.

    Gillespie, ‘Circulation of Print’, 33, 37.

  50. 50.

    Breandán Ó Buachalla, ‘Seacaibíteachas Thaidhg Uí Neachtain’, Studia Hibernica, no. 26 (1992): 31–64; Ó Ciardha, Ireland and the Jacobite Cause, 151.

  51. 51.

    See Hugh Fenning, ‘Dublin Imprints of Catholic Interest: 1701–1739’, Collectanea Hibernica 39–40 (1998): 106–54.

  52. 52.

    Munter, Irish Newspaper, 69.

  53. 53.

    Munter, 68. Irish newspapers were not unique in this regard. For discussion of the style of newspaper reports in English newspapers and the reasons for the lack of religious content in such publications, see Jeremy Black, The English Press in the Eighteenth Century, 2nd ed. (Abingdon, 2011), 18–19, 174–75.

  54. 54.

    For example, Padhraig Higgins, A Nation of Politicians: Gender, Patriotism, and Political Culture in Late Eighteenth-Century Ireland (Madison, 2010), For example; Vincent Morley, The Popular Mind in Eighteenth-Century Ireland (Cork, 2017); Amy Prendergast, Literary Salons Across Britain and Ireland in the Long Eighteenth Century (Basingstoke, 2015).

  55. 55.

    Pincus, ‘“Coffee Politicians Does Create”: Coffeehouses and Restoration Political Culture’, 813; Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 14.

  56. 56.

    P. A. Walsh, ‘Club Life in Late Seventeenth- and Early Eighteenth-Century Ireland’, in Clubs and Societies in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, ed. James Kelly and Martyn Powell (Dublin, 2010), 25.

  57. 57.

    See Michael Brown, The Irish Enlightenment (Cambridge, 2016), 240–47.

  58. 58.

    David Dickson, Old World Colony: Cork and South Munster 1630–1830 (Cork, 2005), 122.

  59. 59.

    John Dunton, Dublin Scuffle, ed. Andrew Carpenter (Dublin, 2000), 19.

  60. 60.

    Walsh, ‘Club Life’, 41.

  61. 61.

    See Brown, The Irish Enlightenment, 225; Walsh, ‘Club Life’, 43.

  62. 62.

    Atherton, ‘The Press and Popular Political Opinion’, 98.

  63. 63.

    Figures from ESTC.

  64. 64.

    S. J. Connolly, Divided Kingdom: Ireland, 1630–1800 (Oxford, 2008), 163; Alastair Mann, Scottish Book Trade, 1500–1720: Print Commerce and Print Control in Early Modern Scotland (East Linton, 2000), 7–8; Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 71; T. C. Barnard, ‘Athlone 1685; Limerick 1710: Religious Riots or Charivaris?’, Studia Hibernica 27 (1993): 67–68.

  65. 65.

    See e.g. Ian McBride, ‘The Harp without the Crown: Nationalism and Republicanism in the 1790s’, in Political Ideas in Eighteenth-Century Ireland, ed. S. J. Connolly (Dublin, 2000), 173.

  66. 66.

    For discussion of some of the issues interpreting figures derived from the ESTC see Peter Blayney, ‘STC Publication Statistics: Some Caveats’, Library, 7, 8, no. 4 (2007): 387–97; Stephen Tabor, ‘The ESTC and the Bibliographical Community’, Library, 7, 8, no. 4 (2007): 367–86.

  67. 67.

    The Irish population figures used in Fig. 1.2 are drawn from K. H. Connell, Population of Ireland, 1750–1845 (Westport, 1975). These figures provide a better spread of estimates throughout the eighteenth century than those calculated more recently in Stuart Daultrey, David Dickson, and Cormac Ó Gráda, ‘18th Century Irish Population: New Perspectives from Old Sources’, Journal of Economic History 41, no. 3 (1981): 601–28. See also R. E. Tyson, ‘Contrasting Regimes: Population Growth in Ireland and Scotland during the Eighteenth Century’, in Conflict, Identity, and Economic Development: Ireland and Scotland , 1600–1939, ed. S. J. Connolly, R. A. Houston, and R. J. Morris (Preston, 1995), 86.

  68. 68.

    For population figures for England and Scotland see E. A. Wrigley, ‘British Population during the “Long” Eighteenth Century, 1680–1840’, in Cambridge Economic History of Modern Britain, Vol. I, Industrialisation, 1700–1860, ed. Roderick Floud and P. A. Johnson (Cambridge, 2004), 57–95; H. O. Engelmann and R. A. Wanner, ‘Population Size and Industrial Technology’, American Journal of Economics and Sociology 28, no. 3 (1969): 249–56.

  69. 69.

    Figures from Connell produced a ratio for Ireland, Scotland and England of 1:2.5:4. Daultrey, Dickson and Ó Gráda’s figures result in a ratio of 1:2:3. The latter figure is probably more reliable for the period 1700–1750.

  70. 70.

    The ratio of 1:3:4 for 1750–1800 is based solely on Connell’s figures.

  71. 71.

    David Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660–1800 (Dublin, 2000), 217.

  72. 72.

    Barnard, ‘Print Culture’, 231; McBride, ‘The Harp without the Crown: Nationalism and Republicanism in the 1790s’, 174; Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 84.

  73. 73.

    Barnard, ‘Print Culture’, 41.

  74. 74.

    Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 116–17.

  75. 75.

    Pollard, 118.

  76. 76.

    Pollard, 119–20.

  77. 77.

    Data from the ESTC. Similar survival rates are also evident for Scotland; an average of 3.9 copies survive for editions published in 1690, an average of 4.8 copies per edition survive for 1750 and 3.9 for 1790.

  78. 78.

    Gillespie, Reading Ireland, 84.

  79. 79.

    See John Barnard, ‘The Survival and Loss Rates of Psalms, ABCs, Psalters and Primers from the Stationers’ Stock, 1660–1700’, Library, 6, 21, no. 2 (1999): 148–50.

  80. 80.

    Brian Ó Cúiv, ‘Irish Language and Literature, 1691–1845’, in New History of Ireland, IV, Eighteenth-Century Ireland, 1691–1800, ed. T. W. Moody and W. E. Vaughan (Oxford, 2009), 383; Garret FitzGerald, ‘Estimates for Baronies of Minimum Level of Irish-Speaking amongst Successive Decennial Cohorts: 1771–1781 to 1861–1871’, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C 84, no. 273 (1984): 383.

  81. 81.

    Barnard, ‘Print Culture’, 213.

  82. 82.

    Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 186, 191; Eamon O’Flaherty, ‘Ecclesiastical Politics and the Dismantling of the Penal Laws in Ireland, 1774–1782’, Irish Historical Studies 26, no. 101 (1998): 33.

  83. 83.

    Dickson, New Foundations: Ireland 1660–1800, 217; J. S. Donnelly, ‘Propagating the Cause of the United Irishmen’, Studies: An Irish Quarterly Review 69, no. 273 (1980): 5–23.

  84. 84.

    Pollard has pointed out that ‘The increased demand for books between 1760 and 1800 can only have been due to the growing prosperity and literacy of a growing population’. However this could not be quite so clearly demonstrated without the benefit of the completed English Short-title Catalogue (Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 125, 214, 196).

  85. 85.

    Barnard, ‘Print Culture’, 39.

  86. 86.

    Pollard, Dublin’s Trade in Books: 1550–1800, 33, 41; Raymond Gillespie and Andrew Hadfield, eds., The Oxford History of the Irish Book, III: The Irish Book in English 1550–1800 (Oxford, 2006), 24.

  87. 87.

    See T. C. Barnard, Brought to Book: Print in Ireland, 1680–1784 (Dublin, 2017), 44, 332.

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    Suzanne Forbes

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Forbes, S. (2018). Introduction. In: Print and Party Politics in Ireland, 1689-1714. Palgrave Studies in the History of the Media. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71586-5_1

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