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Can the Presumed Impacts Be Proven? Analysis from a Quantitative Point of View

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Social Return on Investment Analysis

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Impact Finance ((SIF))

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Abstract

This chapter discusses the methodological aspects of dealing with the data that serve to verify the impact models. First, we outline the basic possibilities and limits of non-experimental designs, each of which has consequences on the time horizon, the costs and the skills needed to measure impacts.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On RCTs, in general, see Torgerson and Torgerson (2008). On impact measurement in development cooperation, see, for example, BMZ (2008); primarily on RCTs in development economics, Banerjee and Duflo (2011); on health economics, Miyamoto and Eraker (1985); and for environmental economics, Möller and Schaltegger (2005).

  2. 2.

    This was prominently described by Salamon (1995), who listed particularity as one of the four elementary “failures” of non-profit organisations. Accordingly, it is a particular feature of social purpose activity (especially, in comparison with state activity, most of which is legally entitled or mandated to be oriented towards an entire population) that, because of limited resources and the autonomy/selectiveness of resource providers (benefactors, donors, volunteers, etc.), they are always focused on certain problems or social groups, rather than exerting a comprehensive influence. Excepted from these are, of course, programmes and projects that perform services in the framework of standard benefits under social law (like social security) under the authority of corresponding organisations.

  3. 3.

    One example of this is studies on the provision of care by private persons which recruit their respondents from support groups or through the media. The risk here is that persons who participate in the survey are likely to be those who are intensively involved in the provision of care, and who correspondingly report especially heavy strains (cf. Pinquart and Sörensen 2003).

  4. 4.

    For telephone and online surveys, the length of the questionnaire is a key criterion for data quality. The development of the German volunteer survey performed every five years has always adhered to the “omnibus principle”, by which a certain number of questions should never be exceeded. Whenever a new question was to “come on board”, another had to leave and “give up its seat”.

  5. 5.

    In the international comparison, this is apparently true above all in societies like the Scandinavian ones, which have relatively few (deep-seated) social conflicts and are characterised by sociopolitical systems that, by providing universal access to services, largely prevent citizens from permanently accusing their fellow citizens of “taking advantage” of the social systems, creating a generally high level of trust instead (cf. Rothstein and Stolle 2003; Van Oorschot et al. 2005).

  6. 6.

    The methodological foundation for this is discourse network analysis (for the basics, see Leifeld 2016), which can be linked with the statistical algorithms of social network analysis (for a German example: Kehl 2016).

  7. 7.

    For an example of the World Values Survey, see WVS (n.d.).

  8. 8.

    Cf. on this above all the work of Specialisterne, the “Specialist People Foundation”, founded by the social entrepreneur Thorkil Sonne (see Specialisterne, n.d.).

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Then, V., Schober, C., Rauscher, O., Kehl, K. (2017). Can the Presumed Impacts Be Proven? Analysis from a Quantitative Point of View. In: Social Return on Investment Analysis. Palgrave Studies in Impact Finance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71401-1_7

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71401-1_7

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