Abstract
This chapter explores tactics used by various Albanians traumatized by what they believe is their unwarranted affiliation with Islam. Efforts to rewrite the past as a way to shape these modern identity claims must take on a corrective agenda vis-à-vis the international relations analysis that has contributed to this discourse of Albanian/Muslim marginality. As such, the chapter inspects the ideological assumptions of the proponents of this corrective agenda in the Western Balkans, an area still on the margins of European inclusion. This aim is pursued by critically questioning how a selective reading of the past, often framed as nostalgia for cultural as much as political relations between the Balkans and Europe, highlights a prevailing methodological weakness in the study of the Balkans.
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Notes
- 1.
In a notorious moment of self-reflection within the larger context of identity politics being forced on the inhabitants of the Balkans, former Kosova Liberation Army (KLA) field commander and current Kosovar politician Ramush Haradinaj said rhetorically, “Nuk e di pse jam musliman …” (“I do not know why I am a Muslim …”). (Lecture given at Columbia University, 23 September 2013. https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=OHqlaP7Ag5o). This reflection into how such narrow associations to faith determine larger political relations in a post-9/11 Balkans is a process observed throughout the Balkans. For examples see Ghodsee 2009; Banac 2006, 30–43; Öktem 2011 and Poulton 1997, 82–102.
- 2.
In previous work (Blumi 1998) I integrated the concerns expressed by Maria Todorova and others to the operating assumptions scholars analyzing Balkan affairs brought to their study. Furthermore, I suggested there was a sensationalist angle to these tropes about Albanian difference that proved necessary if scholars hoped to publish their work during the 1990s.
- 3.
As done in respect to the early 1990s in Bosnia (Campbell 1998).
- 4.
- 5.
Piro Misha has been one of the most vocal advocates of “returning” Albania to “history” (meaning Europe). This nonethnic Albanian citizen (he is of Vlach origin) has been especially keen on positioning the debates since the end of the Communist era around the region’s Christian heritage, thereby freeing Albanians from the “prison” of the past. See his pseudo-guidebook recommending how Albanians should present themselves to the outside world (Misha 1997, 2008).
- 6.
According to data assembled by Gallup Balkan Monitor, Albanians in Kosovo, Macedonia, and Albania show the highest support for American leadership. In 2012, support for the United States (US) among Albanians in Kosovo was 92.2%, in Albania 80.2%, and in Macedonia 55.5%. Likewise, Albanians in the Balkans show a high level of support for European Union (EU) membership. Data from 2011 reveal that support for EU integration among Albanians in Kosovo is 95.4%, in Macedonia 72.3%, and in Albania 87.1%. Source: Gallup Balkan Monitor. Survey data available at <http://www.balkan-monitor.eu/index.php/dashboard>.
- 7.
For discussion on how this plays out in both Macedonia and Kosovo, countries once again in the news as tensions between Slavs and Albanians flair over the distribution of political and cultural rights, see Krasniqi 2011.
- 8.
For an example of how such logic is applied to scholarship that has proven influential in how policies toward the Balkans are developed, see the vapid The Coming Balkan Caliphate: The Threat of Islam to Europe and the West (Deliso 2007).
- 9.
For a rich and thus invaluable survey of that heritage see Norris 1993.
- 10.
- 11.
The novels of Ismail Kadare, written with the encouragement of the Enver Hoxha regime, evoke an alien, Oriental presence among Albanians who needed heroes willing to use violence to excise it from the homeland. On how his literature is interpreted by the few who have actually studied his novels, see Weitzman 2011; Jing 2013; Gould 2012.
- 12.
Only one scholar, Enis Sulstarova (Sulstarova 2007), has fully understood Kadare’s Orientalist agenda. Kadare’s novels, if interpreted with this agenda in mind, correspond with his more recent polemic against Albanians, including Kosovar intellectual Rexhep Qosja, who wish to temper these attempts to expunge Islam from Albanian culture. On the debates Kadare’s xenophobic, racist, and chauvinist diatribes have inspired, see Ceka 2006.
- 13.
In addition to the previously cited Misha and Kadare, the late Ibrahim Rugova (self-anointed “father” of Kosovo) was particularly keen to prove Kosovo’s Catholic orientations, often at the expense of making the necessary demands of his European interlocutors on behalf of all Kosovars, whom he presumably represented as “President.” See for instance, Rugova 1996, 62–83; Rugova et al. 1994.
- 14.
- 15.
Albanian nostalgia for homeland has grown to near-mythological levels in respect to specific actors, mostly propped up by the Enver Hoxha regime in Albania between 1944 and 1985. This campaign is noted for its strategic use of history to reinforce the regime and, perhaps, a particular sub-group of Albanian speakers who came to dominate the Albanian state with the rise of Hoxha’s faction of the Albanian Communist Party during World War II. See Blumi 1997.
- 16.
- 17.
The sycophantic fascination with this complex, and at times unreliable, agent of British imperialism has left many a scholar and public figure fixated on telling a positive story of Durham’s relationship to Albanians at the expense of putting her various projects in their proper early twentieth-century context. The latest efforts to tie Durham to Albanians-as-Europeans makes this problem especially clear (Gowing 2014; Tanner 2014). A similar character has received near worship status among some Albanians hoping to reorientate the region toward the West (Destani 2011).
- 18.
A fundamental concern when engaging nostalgia-as-tool, therefore, is to disentangle the ideological function of Orientalism from the historicist projections of Europe that dominate the scholarship. If we can “decenter” or “provincialize” Europe, not in order to identify parallel processes of modernization but to create a new analytical space to understand the distribution of power in the late Ottoman territories, we can then offer a critical reassessment of the theoretical stakes of Said’s claims (Ahmad 1992).
- 19.
The editor of the Darlington daily, The Northern Echo, and later co-editor of the Pall Mall Gazette, W.T. Stead became an innovator in advocacy journalism, what by the 1890s evolved into Yellow Journalism in the United States. Upon creating The Northern Echo in 1871, he wrote that the paper would give him “a glorious opportunity to attack the devil,” or “the Eastern Ogre,” by which he meant Ottomans. Seeing that his post as editor offered him “the only throne in Britain” to fight the Ottoman Empire, he became notorious in his attacks on the Disraeli government for its failure to use the state’s power to that end. As such, he has been named by scholars of the era one of the “fugleman of atrocity-mongers,” among whom Gladstone remains the best known. See Shannon 1963, 28. For more details of Stead’s career, see Robinson 2012.
- 20.
On the so-called “tribal” nature of the ways in which “customary” law was practiced in Northern Albanian contexts, see Durham 1928, 63–97.
- 21.
As argued by scholars of the era’s literature, reference to these “dark” corners of the world often disguised considerable internalized fears of actually being overwhelmed by these foreign forces, a kind of “colonialism in reverse” that may equally apply to the way anti-Ottoman discourse worked in the press. See Arata 1990.
- 22.
What W.T. Stead called “Government by Journalism” implied that it was up to the newspaper editor and his solider journalists to push government policy to serve a “higher” calling (Stead 1886, 673). Indeed, it is Stead’s campaign in 1876 through numerous editorials in his Northern Echo, with his initial foray drawing from the first reports of massacres in Bulgaria (written by Edwin Pears and published in the Daily News on 23 June 1876), that best highlights his utilitarian approach to reporting. Within weeks, a scandal exploded in Parliament, with other notorious Turkophobes like Liberal William E. Forster demanding a response from Conservative Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli (Forster 1876a, b, 3).
- 23.
- 24.
As others have noted, there is room for being cautious when evoking Orientalism in the context of Europe’s relationship with the Ottoman Balkans. Katherine Fleming has noted that not all gestures toward the Ottoman Empire can neatly fit the colonial context within which Said’s Orientalism is grafted. To Fleming, “the Balkan instance throws some significant roadblocks in the path of those who would import wholesale a Saidian critique. Quite simply, the territories of the Balkans have had a very different history… The political development of the Balkans, especially as it has been influenced by external powers, has been shaped by factors unlike those at play in the Orient of Orientalism” (Fleming 2000, 1230).
- 25.
Eventually Stead’s campaigns against not only Turks but also prostitution in British cities led to his takedown by rivals, who used many of the same sensationalist tactics Stead himself used. By the end of the campaign against Stead, Lloyd’s Weekly Newspaper had created a scandal wide enough to lead Gladstone’s chief apologist to prison. See Walkowitz 1992, 106; Eckley 2007.
- 26.
It was even more complex than mere romanticism, however. Openly flaunting his homoerotic adventures with Ottoman Muslims, Byron described the Albanian men he met during his travels as members of “the most beautiful race…in the world” and noted that Ali’s grandsons were “the prettiest little animals I ever saw” (Marchand 1973, 227–8 cf.; Drucker 2012, 145). See also Bhattacharji 2010.
- 27.
On the extent to which Ali Pasha of Tepelena’s investment in building the region’s economy served as a model for the European vision of the Balkans as a prime area for investment, see Fleming 1999, 42–48.
- 28.
Weary of such performances, British consul Biliotti, who advocated supporting Ottoman officials facing such open hostility by neighboring states, warned his superiors in London to consider the source of such stories. National Archives of the United Kingdom (NAUK), Foreign Office (FO) 195/2029 no. 45, Biliotti to O’Coner, dated Salonika, 25 January 1898.
- 29.
During the Ilinden Uprising of 1903, with the brutal defeat of insurgents serving as a catalyst for heretofore reluctant interventionists, the journalist Brailsford accompanied accounts of military defeat with references to Turkish ravages of defenseless Christian women. He claimed that “at least 3000 rapes” took place in a few days during the crackdown (Brailsford 1906, 166n).
- 30.
A sort of discursive hardening had thus begun, one that reaches us in the post-colonial era as an historic artifact that is often mistreated anachronistically, assumed to report an imbalance of power that I argue throughout may indeed be inaccurate for most of the nineteenth-century anti-Turk Orientalist rhetoric.
- 31.
- 32.
That said, Said can be accused of not remaining entirely loyal to this neat, and persuasive, assertion.
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Blumi, I. (2018). Battles of Nostalgic Proportion: The Transformations of Islam-as-Historical-Force in Western Balkan Reconstitutions of the Past. In: Raudvere, C. (eds) Nostalgia, Loss and Creativity in South-East Europe. Modernity, Memory and Identity in South-East Europe. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71252-9_3
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