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Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921–39: The Moral Economy of Loyalty

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Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39

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Abstract

This chapter sets the stage for the thematic case study approach of Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921–39. It assesses the historiography on the establishment of Northern Ireland, the labour movement in the region and its relationship to the Irish revolution. It defines terms utilised in the case studies. The chapter argues that whilst communal demarcation was demonstrated in religious, ethnic and colonial terms, the principal issue in Northern Ireland was political conflict and violence; this resulted in the establishment of a ‘moral economy of loyalty’. Northern Ireland was a peculiar state which established a democratic ancien régime. Finally, it situates The Moral Economy of Loyalty as sympathetic to the ‘social interpretation’ of the Irish revolution.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Robert Kelley quoted in R. P. Formisano , ‘The Concept of Political Culture’, Journal of Interdisciplinary History, 31 (Winter 2001), 393–426, (415).

  2. 2.

    Lawrence Black , The Political Culture of the Left in Affluent Britain, 1951–64: Old Labour, New Britain? (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 2.

  3. 3.

    The case studies, which make up the rest of this book, are an attempted ‘social history of the political’; it has not been possible, however, in this short work to lay out a detailed investigation of this methodology. Further research will investigate this topic. For further theoretical considerations, see C. J. V. Loughlin , ‘Representing Labour: Notes Towards a Political and Cultural Economy of Irish Working-Class Experience’, in A History of Irish Working-Class Writing ed. by Michael Pierse (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2017), pp. 57–71.

  4. 4.

    Andrew Finlay , Governing Ethnic Conflict: Consociation, Identity and the Price of Peace (Abingdon: Routledge, 2011), p. 93.

  5. 5.

    These case studies, on the inter-war Belfast working class, should be supplemented with the consideration of Irish working-class literature in Michael Pierse, Writing Ireland’s Working Class: Dublin after O’Casey (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010); A Cambridge History of Irish Working-Class Writing ed. by Michael Pierse.

  6. 6.

    The Belfast Co-operative Society Ltd was founded in 1889 and had 21,300 members in Belfast by 1919 and 49,526 by 1937; the records of the society can be accessed at the Public Records Office of Northern Ireland, Belfast, Northern Ireland (PRONI), Records of the Belfast Co-Operative Society Ltd, the Lisburn Co-operative Society Ltd and the Irish Co-operative Society Ltd., 1889–1983, D/3895.

  7. 7.

    Belfast Telegraph, 14 Jan. 1927.

  8. 8.

    Patrick Bolger, The Irish Co-Operative Movement: Its History and Development (Dublin: Institute of Public Administration, 1977), p. 141.

  9. 9.

    The Belfast branch of the WEA was associated with the extra-mural department of Queen’s University Belfast and its records are kept at PRONI, Papers of the Workers’ Educational Association, 1907–2003, D/4465.

  10. 10.

    Andrew Boyd has written an interesting account of the NCLC in Ireland; see Andrew Boyd, Fermenting the Elements: The National Council of Labour Colleges in Ireland, 1924–64 (Belfast: Donaldson Archives, 1999).

  11. 11.

    See footnote 5 above.

  12. 12.

    See footnote 3 above.

  13. 13.

    As quoted in ‘Members of the War Cabinet and Their Friends’, The Complete Grammar of Anarchy (Dublin and London: Maunsel and Co., 1918), p. 17.

  14. 14.

    Ronan Fanning , Fatal Path: British Government and Irish Revolution, 1910–1922 (London: Faber and Faber, 2013), pp. 9–11.

  15. 15.

    The extent to which the 1906 Liberal government created a welfare state is still debated.

  16. 16.

    W. A. Phillips , The Revolution in Ireland, 1906–23 (2nd ed., London and Dublin: Longmans, Green & Co., 1926), p. 45.

  17. 17.

    George Dangerfield , The Strange Death of Liberal England (original ed. 1935, New York: Capricorn Books, 1961).

  18. 18.

    Chapter 2 is titled ‘Tory Rebellion’ , George Dangerfield , The Strange Death of Liberal England, p. 78. Recently, Ronan Fanning , alongside many others, has claimed that Ulster Unionist resistance to Home Rule in 1911–14 was ‘the Unionist revolution’. Ronan Fanning, Fatal Path, p. 2. The present author prefers Dangerfield’s designation of a ‘Tory rebellion’.

  19. 19.

    The Invention of Tradition ed. by Eric Hobsbawm and Terence Ranger (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983).

  20. 20.

    For discussion of the extent of mobilisation of Ulster’s Protestant population for the Covenant, see Liam Kennedy, Unhappy the Land: The Most Oppressed People Ever, the Irish? (Sallins, Co. Kildare: Merrion Press, 2016), p. 131 (pp. 169–70).

  21. 21.

    A. T. Q. Stewart , The Ulster Crisis (London: Faber, 1967), p. 78; Tim Bowman, Carson’s Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007).

  22. 22.

    See Niall Whelehan , ‘The Irish Revolution, 1912–23’, in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish History ed. by Alvin Jackson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 621–44; and Marie Coleman , The Irish Revolution, 1917–23 (Basingstoke: Routledge, 2013).

  23. 23.

    In September 1914, a Home Rule Act for Ireland was passed but suspended until the end of the war. At this stage, it was still unclear how the act would be implemented or the Ulster issue resolved.

  24. 24.

    For Ireland and the First World War, see D. Fitzpatrick , ‘Militarism in Ireland, 1900–22’, in A Military History of Ireland ed. by Thomas Bartlett and Keith Jeffery (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), pp. 379–406; Keith Jeffery , Ireland and the Great War (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Ireland and the Great War: A War to Unite us All? ed. by Adrian Gregory and Senia Paseta (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2002).

  25. 25.

    See J. G. V. McGaughey , Ulster’s Men: Protestant Unionist Masculinities and Militarization in the North of Ireland, 1912–1923 (Montréal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 2012). The issue of ‘blood sacrifice’ is still a matter of debate within Irish revolutionary studies.

  26. 26.

    The academic orthodoxy accepts the period as involving political revolution; however, it is arguably the extent to which social revolution occurred which divides analysis. The present author accepts the former and is open about the extent of the latter during the Irish revolution.

  27. 27.

    Enforced saving during the war had restricted consumption; this changed decisively in 1919 and 1920.

  28. 28.

    For in-depth discussions of these events, see Austen Morgan, Labour and Partition: The Belfast Working Class, 1905–23 (London: Pluto Press, 1991); Henry Patterson, Class Conflict and Sectarianism: The Protestant Working Class and the Belfast Labour Movement, 1868–1920 (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1980); Conor Kostick , Revolution in Ireland: Popular Militancy 1917 to 1923 (Cork: Cork University Press, 2009); A. F. Parkinson , Belfast’s Unholy War: The Troubles of the 1920s (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2004).

  29. 29.

    Conor McCabe , ‘The Irish Labour Party and the 1920 Local Elections’, Saothar, 35 (2010), 7–20.

  30. 30.

    The production of state space in Ireland is admirably documented in Paul Murray, The Irish Boundary Commission and Its Origins, 1886–1925 (Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2011). This should be supplemented with the recent important work on the border by Peter Leary, Unapproved Routes: Histories of the Irish Border, 1922–1972 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2016).

  31. 31.

    ‘The Belfast Agreement: Section 2: Constitutional Issues: Annex A’ <https://www.gov.uk/government/uploads/system/uploads/attachment_data/file/136652/agreement.pdf> [accessed 2 Feb. 2017].

  32. 32.

    From 1937, and the adoption of a new constitution , known as Éire ; Republic of Ireland Act, 1948, from 1949, officially, the Republic of Ireland.

  33. 33.

    See Chap. 2 below.

  34. 34.

    The phrases ‘old traditions’ and ‘new contexts’ can be found in E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (re-issued 1980 ed., London: Penguin Classics, 2013), p. 27.

  35. 35.

    STV proportional representation was used for elections to ensure the representation of minorities in both new jurisdictions in Ireland. It was replaced in Northern Ireland by ‘simple plurality’ voting for local government elections in 1921 and for parliamentary elections in 1929. See footnotes 46 and 48 below; see also Chap. 3 below.

  36. 36.

    ‘Too often, since every account must start somewhere, we see only the things which are new.’ E. P. Thompson, The Making, p. 27.

  37. 37.

    The most detailed examination of these events is by Paul Murray, The Irish Boundary Commission.

  38. 38.

    Leon Trotsky utilised the French Revolution term ‘Thermidor’ to explicate the role of Stalin’s communist regime. ‘Thermidor’ refers to the night in 1794 on which the Jacobins and Robespierre fell from power, but this revolt, against the Jacobins, was not in favour of the restoration of the ancien régime. ‘Thermidor’ therefore refers to counter-revolution within a revolution.

  39. 39.

    The Vendée , a royalist rebellion in favour of the ancien régime, took place during the French Revolution in the western department of France; if we utilise an analogy of the French to the Irish revolutions, then the Northern Ireland state appears as a successful rebellion in defence of the ancien régime. Similarly, the Irish Free State, Éire and Republic of Ireland all appear, by analogy, as regimes of Thermidor.

  40. 40.

    Issues for which UK consensus was necessary (for example, the Crown, War, trade, money and the armed forces).

  41. 41.

    Issues ‘reserved’ in the expectation of all-Ireland unity (for example, the Northern Ireland Supreme Court, postal services, deeds and certain important taxes).

  42. 42.

    Issues which the Northern Ireland government and parliament had powers to legislate and administrate.

  43. 43.

    Hazel Morrissey , ‘Unemployment and the Northern Ireland State, 1919–39’, in The Other Crisis: Unemployment in Northern Ireland ed. by Mike Morrissey (no place, no date of publications), p. 72; M. O. McCullagh, ‘State Responses to Unemployment in Northern Ireland since 1922: A Sociological Analysis’ (M. Sci. thesis, Queen’s University Belfast, 1985), p. 75.

  44. 44.

    Alvin Jackson , Ireland, 1798–1998: Politics and War (first ed., London, 1999), p. 349; Peter Martin , ‘Social Policy and Social Change since 1914’, in Ulster since 1600: Politics, Economy and Society ed. by Liam Kennedy and Philip Ollerenshaw (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013), pp. 308–24 (pp. 309–10).

  45. 45.

    Alvin Jackson , Ireland, 1798–1998, p. 349.

  46. 46.

    A three-year residency qualification to claim unemployment benefit was introduced in 1928. Hansard N.I. (Commons), ix, 461 (20 March 1928); a seven-year residency qualification to claim unemployment benefit was introduced in 1934. Ulster Year Book 1935, p. 146. The residency qualification for unemployment benefit correlates with the three- and seven-year residency qualifications introduced for parliamentary and local government elections: for the Northern Ireland parliamentary franchise, see Ulster Year Book 1929, p. 219 and Ulster Year Book 1935, p. 271; for local election franchise, see Ulster Year Book 1929, p. 226, and Ulster Year Book 1935, p. 279.

  47. 47.

    For in-depth discussion and analysis of how the Special Powers Act applied to the Belfast labour movement, see Chap. 4 below.

  48. 48.

    STV proportional representation was introduced for Irish local elections in 1920; the new UUP government in Northern Ireland abolished this for local elections in 1922.

  49. 49.

    The term is taken from an important piece of Indian Subaltern Studies, Ranajit Guha, Dominance without Hegemony: History and Power in Colonial India (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997).

  50. 50.

    ‘Rationalisation’, technology , and industrial change lie outside the scope of the present short study. These topics will form the basis of future research and are especially relevant for the north of Ireland in 1900–50.

  51. 51.

    The UUP administration had little control over ‘reserved’ or ‘excepted’ services. For example, Winston Churchill’s decision to re-adopt the Gold Standard in 1925 made all British exports less competitive and the UUP was powerless to counteract this decision. However, the UUP administration also made relatively little effort to implement direct interventionist public sector policies. Rather, they preferred to use more ‘traditional’ methods such as public subsidies for private housing in the region.

  52. 52.

    See Boyd Black, ‘A Triumph of Voluntarism?’; C. J. V. Loughlin , ‘Pro-Hitler or Anti-Management? War on the Industrial Front, Belfast, October 1942’, in Locked Out: A Century of Irish Working-Class Life ed. by David Convery (Dublin Academic Press, 2013), pp. 125–39.

  53. 53.

    ‘Hegemony’ is here utilised as dominance without coercion. See Ranajit Guha, Dominance without Hegemony.

  54. 54.

    See Christopher Norton, ‘Creating Jobs, Manufacturing Unity: Ulster Unionism and Mass Unemployment, 1922–34’, Contemporary British History, 15, No. 2 (June 2001), 1–14.

  55. 55.

    Patrick Buckland , The Factory of Grievances: Devolved Government in Northern Ireland, 1921–39 (Dublin: Gill and Macmillan, 1979).

  56. 56.

    Sir Basil Brooke was reported as stating on 12 July 1933 that ‘he would appeal to Loyalists therefore, wherever possible, to employ good Protestant lads and lassies’. Quoted in Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland: The Orange State (second ed., London: Pluto Press, 1980), p. 90; Sir James Craig remarked in the Northern Ireland House of Commons in May 1934: ‘all I boast is that we are a Protestant parliament and a Protestant state’. Hansard Northern Ireland (Commons), xvi, 1095 (24 April 1934).

  57. 57.

    See Chaps. 2 and 4 below.

  58. 58.

    Jack Beattie maintained his seat in 1938 but had been expelled from the NILP in 1934 for refusing to move the writ for the late Joe Devlin’s seat in Belfast Central division.

  59. 59.

    J. H. Whyte , Interpreting Northern Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990).

  60. 60.

    Ireland beyond Boundaries: Mapping Irish Studies in the Twenty-First Century ed. by Liam Harte and Yvonne Whelan (London; Ann Arbor, MI: Pluto Press, 2007); Dominic Bryan , Orange Parades: The Politics of Ritual, Tradition and Control (London: Pluto Press, 2000).

  61. 61.

    An Economic History of Ulster, 1820–1939 ed. by Liam Kennedy and Philip Ollerenshaw (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985); Ulster since 1600: Politics, Economy and Society ed. by Liam Kennedy and Philip Ollerenshaw.

  62. 62.

    Mary McAuliffe , Palgrave Advances in Irish History ed. by Mary McAuliffe , Katherine O’Donnell and Leeann Lane (Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 2009), pp. 191–221; Sean Brady, ‘Why Examine Men, Masculinities and Religion in Northern Ireland?’, in Masculinities and Religious Change in Twentieth-Century Britain ed. by Lucy Delap and Sue Morgan (Basingstoke, 2013), pp. 218–51; Maria Luddy, ‘Gender and Irish History’, in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish History ed. by Alvin Jackson (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 193–213; J. G. V. McGaughey , Ulster’s Men.

  63. 63.

    This work begins with the seminal book by David Cairns and Shaun Richards, Writing Ireland: Colonialism, Nationalism and Culture (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1988); see also Ireland and Postcolonial Theory ed. by Clare Carroll and Patricia King (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 2003); Joe Cleary, ‘Misplaced Ideas? Locating and Dislocating Ireland in Colonial and Postcolonial Studies’, in Marxism, Modernity and Postcolonial Studies ed. by Crystal Bartolovich and Neil Lazarus (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), pp. 101–24; Colin Graham , Deconstructing Ireland: Identity, Theory, Culture (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2001); Irish and Postcolonial Writing: History, Theory and Practice ed. by Glenn Hooper and Colin Graham (Houndmills: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002); David Lloyd , Ireland after History (Cork: Cork University Press, 1998).

  64. 64.

    See, for example, the work of Timothy Bowman, Carson’s Army: The Ulster Volunteer Force, 1910–22 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2007); Marie Coleman, The Irish Revolution; David Fitzpatrick , The Two Irelands, 1921–39 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998); Peter Harte, The IRA and Its Enemies: Violence and Community in Cork (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1998); Peter Harte, The IRA at War (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003); and Fearghal McGarry , The Rising: Easter 1916 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010).

  65. 65.

    See The Making of Modern Irish History: Revisionism and the Revisionist Controversy ed. by D. G. Boyce and Alan O’Day (London: Routledge, 1996); and Interpreting Irish History: The Debate on Historical Revisionism, 1938–1994 ed. by Ciaran Brady (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1994).

  66. 66.

    J. H. Whyte , Interpreting Northern Ireland, p. 146.

  67. 67.

    See Paul Bew , Peter Gibbon, and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–2001: Political Forces and Social Classes (revised ed., London: Serif, 2002); Patrick Buckland, The Factory of Grievance; Idem, James Craig, Lord Craigavon (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1980); Patrick Buckland, ‘A Protestant State: Unionists in Government, 1921–39’, in Defenders of the Union: A Survey of British and Irish Unionism since 1801 ed. by D. G. Boyce and Alan O’Day (London: Routledge, 2001), pp. 211–26; Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland.

  68. 68.

    Henry Patterson, ‘Unionism, 1921–72’, in The Oxford Handbook of Modern Irish History, pp. 692–710.

  69. 69.

    J. G. V. McGahey, Ulster’s Men; The Minutes of the Ulster Women’s Unionist Council and Executive Committee, 1911–1940 ed. by Diane Urquhart (Dublin: Women’s History Project in association with Irish Manuscripts Commission, 2001); Diane Urquhart, Women in Ulster Politics, 1890–1940: A History Not Yet Told (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2000).

  70. 70.

    Chapter 2 below concentrates on investigating the politics of nationality, sectarianism and the labour movement in Belfast.

  71. 71.

    C. J. V. Loughlin , ‘Representing Labour’, p. 68.

  72. 72.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland.

  73. 73.

    Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon, and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–2001.

  74. 74.

    Kolakowski described Marxism as an ‘integral theory of mankind’. See Leszek Kolakowski , Main Currents of Marxism: Its Rise, Growth and Dissolution, 3 vols. (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1978), I: The Founders, p. 6. The phrase ‘integralist class analysis’ is coined in section three of C. J. V. Loughlin , ‘Representing Labour’.

  75. 75.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, pp. 325–6.

  76. 76.

    Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon, and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland: 1921–2001, pp. 18–19.

  77. 77.

    Brendan O’Leary and John McGarry , The Politics of Antagonism: Understanding Northern Ireland (second ed., London: Athlone Press, 1997), p. 371 (pp. 111–33 and p. 134).

  78. 78.

    Here defined as Christian-based ethno-national conflict. See Chaps. 2 and 4 below.

  79. 79.

    Alvin Jackson , Ireland 1798–1998, p. 345.

  80. 80.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, p. 11; the analysis presented below does not analyse the issue of the ‘aristocracy of labour’ or the political import of this term. It should, however, be noted that Marx describes, in a later section of the first volume of Capital, the best paid section of the working class as an ‘aristocracy’. See Karl Marx , Capital: A Critique of Political Economy trans. by Ben Fowkes, 3 vols. (London: Penguin Books in association with New Left Review, 1976), I, p. 822.

  81. 81.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, p. 327.

  82. 82.

    Paul Bew , Peter Gibbon, and Henry Patterson, ‘Some Aspects of Nationalism and Socialism in Ireland: 1968–78’, in Ireland: Divided Nation, Divided Class ed. by Austen Morgan and Bob Purdie (London: Ink Links, 1980), pp. 152–72 (pp. 157–8).

  83. 83.

    Paul Bew, Peter Gibbon, and Henry Patterson, Northern Ireland 1921–2001, pp. 32–3.

  84. 84.

    Ibid., pp. 18–19.

  85. 85.

    Ibid., p. 60.

  86. 86.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, pp. 325–6; Paul Stewart, ‘The Jerrybuilders: Bew , Gibbon and Patterson—The Protestant Working Class and the Northern Irish State’, in Ireland’s Histories: Aspects of State, Society and Ideology ed. by Seán Hutton and Paul Stewart (London, 1991), pp. 177–202 (p. 186).

  87. 87.

    K. T. Hoppen , Ireland since 1800: Conflict and Conformity (second ed., London: Longman, 1999), p. 210.

  88. 88.

    Patrick Buckland , ‘A Protestant State’, p. 216; Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, p. 332.

  89. 89.

    Brian Barton , ‘Northern Ireland, 1921–5’, in A New History of Ireland (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 2003), VII: Ireland 1921–84, ed. by J. R. Hill , pp. 161–98 (pp. 162–3).

  90. 90.

    Ibid.

  91. 91.

    Ibid., p. 171.

  92. 92.

    Patrick Buckland, James Craig, p. 89.

  93. 93.

    Idem, ‘A Protestant State’, pp. 216–17.

  94. 94.

    Ibid., pp. 218–20.

  95. 95.

    Patrick Buckland , James Craig, p. 125.

  96. 96.

    The primary sources on this issue will be examined below, but serious analysis of the issue begins with the Cameron Report (1969); the issues raised by this report were the subject of major debate on the issue during the 1970s and 1980s conducted by sociologists. See Conflict Archive on the Internet (CAIN), ‘Discrimination-Details of Source Material’ <http://cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/soc.htm> [accessed 1 May 2017]; see also J Whyte John Whyte, ‘How much Discrimination was there under the Unionist regime, 1921–68?’ (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1983) <cain.ulst.ac.uk/issues/discrimination/whyte.htm> [accessed 1 May 2017]; John O’Brien, Discrimination in Northern Ireland, 1920–39: Myth or Reality? (Cambridge, 2010).

  97. 97.

    Patrick Buckland , ‘A Protestant State’, p. 211.

  98. 98.

    Patrick Buckland , James Craig, p. 82.

  99. 99.

    Ibid., p. 111.

  100. 100.

    D. G. Pringle , ‘Electoral Systems and Political Manipulation: A Case Study of Northern Ireland in the 1920s’, The Economic and Social Review, 11, No. 11 (1980), 187–205 (188).

  101. 101.

    Ibid.

  102. 102.

    Ibid., p. 199.

  103. 103.

    Ibid., pp. 200–1.

  104. 104.

    Brian Barton , ‘Northern Ireland, 1921–5’, pp. 192–4; Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, pp. 83–5.

  105. 105.

    Mike Milotte , Communism in Modern Ireland: The Pursuit of the Workers’ Republic since 1916 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1984), p. 123; see also Henry Patterson, Class Conflict and Sectarianism.

  106. 106.

    Ronnie Munck and Bill Rolston, Belfast in the Thirties: An Oral History (Belfast: Blackstaff Press, 1987), pp. 8–9.

  107. 107.

    Christopher Norton, ‘Worker Response to the 1920 Belfast Shipyard Expulsions’, Études-Irelandaises (Spring 1996), 153–63.

  108. 108.

    Ibid., p. 155.

  109. 109.

    Patrick Buckland , ‘A Protestant State’, p. 223.

  110. 110.

    See Chap. 2 below.

  111. 111.

    Michael Farrell, Northern Ireland, p. 27.

  112. 112.

    See footnote 56 above.

  113. 113.

    See footnote 96 above.

  114. 114.

    The title of the famous 1939 Jean Renoir film, La Règle du Jeu (translated as The Rules of the Game).

  115. 115.

    See footnotes 49 and 53 above.

  116. 116.

    Fintan Lane , ‘Envisaging Labour History: Some Reflections on Irish Historiography and the Working Class’, in Essays in Irish labour History: A Festschrift for Elizabeth and John W. Boyle ed. by Francis Devine, Fintan Lane , and Niámh Puirséil (Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 2008), pp. 9–25 (p. 11).

  117. 117.

    Emmet O’Connor, A Labour History of Ireland, 1824–1960 (Dublin: Gill & Macmillan, 1992); Emmet O’Connor, A Labour History of Ireland, 1824–2000 (second revised ed., Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2011); Boyd Black, ‘Reassessing Irish Industrial Relations and Labour History: The North-East of Ireland up to 1921’, Historical Studies in Industrial Relations, 14 (Autumn 2002), 45–97; Boyd Black, ‘A Triumph of Voluntarism?’; Michael Pierse, Writing Ireland’s Working Class; A Cambridge History of Irish Working-Class Writing ed. by Michael Pierse.

  118. 118.

    Emmet O’Connor, ‘Labour and Politics: Colonisation and Mental Colonisation’, in Politics and the Irish Working Class, 1830–1945 ed. by Donal Ó Drisceoil and Fintan Lane (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), pp. 27–43.

  119. 119.

    Emmet O’Connor, A Labour History of Ireland, 1824–2000, p. 188.

  120. 120.

    Boyd Black , ‘Reassessing Irish Industrial Relations’.

  121. 121.

    Christopher Norton, ‘1920 Belfast Shipyard Expulsions’, p. 154.

  122. 122.

    Ibid., p. 155.

  123. 123.

    Emmet O’Connor, ‘A Historiography of Irish Labour’, pp. 29–30.

  124. 124.

    Martin Maguire , ‘“Remembering Who We Are”: Identity and Class in Protestant Dublin and Belfast, 1868–1905’, in Essays in Irish Labour History: A Festschrift for Elizabeth and John W. Boyle, pp. 49–64.

  125. 125.

    Ibid.

  126. 126.

    Henry Patterson, Class Conflict and Sectarianism, p. 65.

  127. 127.

    Emmet O’Connor, ‘A Historiography of Irish Labour’, Labour History Review, 40, part one (1995), 21–34 (27).

  128. 128.

    Ronnie Munck and Bill Rolston, Belfast in the Thirties, p. 9.

  129. 129.

    John Lynch , A Tale of Three Cities: Comparative Studies in Working-Class Life (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 1998), p. 174; Graham Walker, The Politics of Frustration: Harry Midgley and the Failure of Labour in Northern Ireland (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1985), p. 2.

  130. 130.

    Erhard Rumpf and A. C. Hepburn , Nationalism and Socialism in Twentieth-Century Ireland (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 1977), pp. 195–6.

  131. 131.

    Christopher Norton, ‘The Left in Northern Ireland 1921–32’, p. 15.

  132. 132.

    Aaron Edwards, A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party: Democratic Socialism and Sectarianism (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 2009), p. 24.

  133. 133.

    Ronnie Munck and Bill Rolston, Belfast in the Thirties, p. 7.

  134. 134.

    Ibid., p. 9.

  135. 135.

    Mike Milotte , Communism in Modern Ireland, p. 140.

  136. 136.

    Ibid., p. 135.

  137. 137.

    To cite just two examples, K. T. Hoppen , Ireland since 1800, p. 208; Alvin Jackson , Ireland 1798–1998, pp. 349–50.

  138. 138.

    Austen Morgan, Labour and Partition; Henry Patterson, Class Conflict and Sectarianism.

  139. 139.

    Mike Milotte , ‘Communist Politics in Ireland, 1916–45’ (PhD thesis, Queen’s University Belfast, 1977); Idem, Communism in Modern Ireland.

  140. 140.

    Graham Walker, ‘Harry Midgley : A Study in Ulster Political Biography’ (PhD thesis, Manchester University, 1983); Idem, The Politics of Frustration.

  141. 141.

    Aaron Edwards, ‘Labour Politics and Sectarianism: Interpreting the Political Fortunes of the Northern Ireland Labour Party, 1945–75’ (PhD thesis, Queen’s University Belfast, 2006); Idem, A History of the Northern Ireland Labour Party.

  142. 142.

    Ibid., pp. 7–29.

  143. 143.

    Seán Byers , ‘Seán Murray’s Political Apprenticeship: The Making of an Irish Republican Bolshevik’, Saothar, 37 (2012), 41–55; Seán Byers , Seán Murray : Marxist-Leninist and Irish Socialist Republican (Dublin, 2015); Adrian Grant, Irish Socialist Republicanism, 1909–36 (Dublin: Four Courts Press, 2012).

  144. 144.

    E. P. Thompson, ‘The Moral Economy of the English Crowd in the Eighteenth Century’, in Customs in Common (London: Penguin Books, 1993), pp. 185–258 (p. 188).

  145. 145.

    Ibid.

  146. 146.

    E. P. Thompson , ‘Moral Economy Reviewed’, in Customs in Common (London: Penguin Books, 1993), pp. 259–351 (pp. 339–40).

  147. 147.

    D. W. Miller , Queen’s Rebels: Ulster Loyalism in Historical Perspective (re-issued 1978 ed., Dublin: University College Dublin Press, 2007).

  148. 148.

    Ibid., p. 119.

  149. 149.

    A. J. Meyer , The Persistence of the Old Regime: Europe to the Great War (London: Croom Helm, 1981); R. Foster also utilises the term ancien régime ancien to describe Victorian Ireland in R. F. Foster , W. B. Yeats: A Life, 2 vols. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), I: The Apprentice Mage, 1865–1914, p. xxviii.

  150. 150.

    See C. J. V. Loughlin , ‘Representing Labour’.

  151. 151.

    From Aesop’s Fables , trans: ‘Here is Rhodes , jump here!’

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    Christopher J. V. Loughlin

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Loughlin, C.J.V. (2018). Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921–39: The Moral Economy of Loyalty. In: Labour and the Politics of Disloyalty in Belfast, 1921-39. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-71081-5_1

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