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Why Do Some Voters Prefer Female Candidates? The Role of Perceived Incorruptibility in Arab Elections

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Book cover Gender and Corruption

Part of the book series: Political Corruption and Governance ((PCG))

Abstract

Are individuals who view women as less corrupt more likely to vote for women? Drawing on research from the social psychology of gender, this chapter examines whether and how perceptions about women’s incorruptibility shape their electability. Many citizens see female politicians as less corrupt. Others state that men are less corrupt, a view consistent with “hostile sexism.” When asked directly, people who state that women are less corrupt or who see no difference between men and women in their propensity to engage in corruption are more likely to say that they would vote for females. However, a survey experiment casts doubt on these conclusions. Gender egalitarianism, not positive bias, may be most likely to benefit females, which is consistent with theories of gender role congruity and ambivalent sexism.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Politidec, D. (2016). “Cristina Fernández de Kirchner Indicted Again on Corruption Charges.” Available at: www.nytimes.com/2016/12/27/world/americas/argentina-cristina-fernandez-kirchner-mauricio-macri.html. Accessed September 15, 2017.

  2. 2.

    Dulani et al. (forthcoming).

  3. 3.

    We began this research in 2011 when we prepared the first of the two surveys in Tunisia. Although we did not prepare a pre-analysis plan, we designed the study with the express goal of testing the role of gender stereotypes in shaping women’s electability.

  4. 4.

    Eagly (1987) shows that women were seen as being extremely capable in areas such as child rearing and hosting, and often as superior to men with regards to traits such as honesty and kindness; however, they were not seen as having qualities associated with effective leadership (e.g., decisiveness, strength). Benstead et al. (2015) find evidence of gender role congruity theory in Tunisia.

  5. 5.

    The Tunisian Post-Election Survey (TPES) was a face-to-face household survey conducted October 8–November 30, 2012 by the Transitional Governance Project (2017). Probability proportional to size (PPS) sampling was used to select 73 urban and rural communes located in 16 electoral districts (N = 1220). The response rate was 63 percent. The poll was conducted by Benstead, Lust, and Malouche, with support from the National Science Foundation, Portland State University, Princeton University, and Yale University.

  6. 6.

    In Jordan, the sampling design differed slightly given different goals of the surveys, but there is no reason to believe that this affected the results of the direct models or survey experiment. A multistage stratified sample design was employed to select participants. Electoral districts were stratified by region (north, central, and south) and, within each region, size (small, medium, and large). Interviews were carried out with eligible Jordanian voters living and/or registered in one of twelve electoral districts purposively selected within these strata (N = 1488). The survey was conducted in 2014 by the Program on Governance and Local Development (2015), Yale University by Lust, Kao, and Benstead.

  7. 7.

    This was the case in Tunisia. In Jordan, the statements were randomized to show either the male statement or female one first. This eliminated order effects.

  8. 8.

    This is consistent with findings from Lebanon (Shalaby 2016).

  9. 9.

    For a 41-year-old respondent in an urban area who is interviewed by a female, has some secondary education, and who agree that religious leaders should not influence government.

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Benstead, L.J., Lust, E. (2018). Why Do Some Voters Prefer Female Candidates? The Role of Perceived Incorruptibility in Arab Elections. In: Stensöta, H., Wängnerud, L. (eds) Gender and Corruption. Political Corruption and Governance. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70929-1_5

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