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Language Planning and Policy in China: Unity, Diversity and Social Control

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Book cover Language Planning in the Post-Communist Era

Abstract

China has, by one count, 299 mutually unintelligible languages from several different language families, as well as a far greater number of dialects. Linguistic diversity on this scale poses great problems for communication, administration and, in the modern era, national unity and identity. This chapter will explain how the Chinese state has addressed these problems, and it will also explain how the state has regulated language as a strategy of social and ideological control. Its main focus is on the post-totalitarian era that began in 1978, but it will situate that era in the context of Chinese history. It will reveal striking continuities between China’s imperial past and its post-totalitarian present, as well as developments related to the economic, ideological and political changes of the modern era.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Ethnologue: Languages of the World. https://www.ethnologue.com/country/CN. Western scholars usually classify tongues as ‘dialects’ of a single language only if they are mutually intelligible. Chinese scholars, however, often classify mutually unintelligible tongues as ‘dialects’ on the basis of political and social criteria. They regard the many mutually unintelligible tongues of the Han people as dialects of a single ‘Chinese’ language because they are spoken by the culturally unified Chinese people, and because they have a common written form—the ideographs of Chinese characters . Similarly, when neighboring minority groups that speak mutually unintelligible tongues are classified for political reasons as members of a single ‘nationality’, their forms of speech are often regarded as ‘dialects’ of a single language. This introduction of social and political criteria dramatically reduces the total number of ‘languages’, and Chinese scholars like Sun et al. (2007) put the number at 129.

  2. 2.

    As noted above, Chinese scholars call the forms of speech of the Han Chinese ‘dialects’, despite the fact that they are mutually unintelligible. Western scholars usually bow to this convention, and I will adopt it here.

  3. 3.

    This account of the 1992 directive and related policies is based on Chen (1999: 59).

  4. 4.

    Law of the People’s Republic of China on the Standard Spoken and Written Chinese Language, Articles 14 and 16. http://www.npc.gov.cn/englishnpc/Law/2007-12/11/content_1383540.htm

  5. 5.

    This account of the protests is based on Tong and Lei (2014: 136–137), Liang (2015: 5–9), Gao (2012), Branigan (2010a), Lau (2014), and Pomfret and Master (2010).

  6. 6.

    I have calculated the percentages of ‘outsiders’ from the figures in China Daily (2014).

  7. 7.

    Law on Regional Autonomy 1984, articles 10, 21, 36, 47, 49. https://www.cecc.gov/resources/legal-provisions/regional-ethnic-autonomy-law-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china-amended

  8. 8.

    Law of the PRC on Regional National Autonomy 2004, Article 37. http://www.china.org.cn/english/government/207138.htm

  9. 9.

    Regional Ethnic Autonomy Law 2001, Article 37. https://www.cecc.gov/resources/legal-provisions/regional-ethnic-autonomy-law-of-the-peoples-republic-of-china-amended

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Ji, F. (2018). Language Planning and Policy in China: Unity, Diversity and Social Control. In: Andrews, E. (eds) Language Planning in the Post-Communist Era. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70926-0_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70926-0_3

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