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The Frame: The Post-2000 Redevelopment Machine

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Chicago’s Redevelopment Machine and Blues Clubs

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Abstract

Chicago’s Redevelopment Machine Across Chicago: 2000 to Present builds on the previous chapter by moving into the present. It dissects this current machine as its actors operate across one scale—Chicago—in its latest stage of actions (post 2000). The chapter excavate these actor’s goals, the rhetoric they create and work through, their plans and strategies, and their presentation of self. This chapter, crucial to the study, frames the analysis of these actors’ actions along the South Side redevelopment frontier (Chap. 4). To know the ambitions, designs, and functioning that defines current redevelopment citywide is to shed light on the dynamics of redevelopment on the South Side. At issue are still unanswered questions: What kinds of spaces and realities do these actors seek to build across Chicago? How are they striking out to accomplish this? Who are the winners and losers in this current drive to remake Chicago?

We’re competing against other great cities: Madrid, Rio De Janeiro, and Tokyo. That’s why it’s important that we all join together on the final path to Copenhagen

—(Mayor Richard M. Daley 2010)

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Notes

  1. 1.

    Humboldt Park gained national notoriety for its aggressive city successionist movement in the early 2000s. The movement was spearheaded by the area’s largest population, recent arrivals from Puerto Rico, who claimed that a history of denied public resources necessitated the creating of the neighborhood as a separate nation inside Chicago (see Wilson and Grammenos 2005).

  2. 2.

    Yet, this produced space paradoxically occurs at a strange time: when its rhetorical antithesis, harsh neoliberal practices, is alive and well in Chicago. To understand this paradox, we must recognize that even in punitive times, redevelopment actors are sensitive to the acquiring of legitimacy for their actions. Clearly, symbolic value exists in offering both harshness and humaneness. While one (the theme of humaneness) smooths over the rough edges of a punishing governance, the other (harsh neoliberal posturing) enables the advancing of a seemingly direct and uncomplicated redeveloping. Not surprisingly, then, amid offers of a caring-for-the-poor redevelopment, harsh judgments of Chicago’s black and Latino poor (their ways, values) have persisted post 2000 (Wacquant 2009; Smith 2012).

  3. 3.

    No tracking system has been used to know their relocation when thrown into the housing market (Richter 2009). To activist B. Surle (2009), two likely options followed: some were forced to double up with friends and family, others moved to nearby hovels concealed by the prominence of better housing. With this population’s bleak prospects for obtaining better waged work, to Surle, housing improvement has been unlikely.

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  1. University of Illinois-Urbana-Champaign, Champaign, IL, USA

    David Wilson

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Wilson, D. (2018). The Frame: The Post-2000 Redevelopment Machine. In: Chicago’s Redevelopment Machine and Blues Clubs. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70818-8_3

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70818-8_3

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  • Publisher Name: Palgrave Macmillan, Cham

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  • Online ISBN: 978-3-319-70818-8

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