Skip to main content

The Struggle for Recognition of the Stolen Children and the Politics of Victimhood in Spain

  • Chapter
  • First Online:
The Politics of Victimhood in Post-conflict Societies

Part of the book series: St Antony's Series ((STANTS))

Abstract

The chapter analyses the struggle of Spain’s stolen children and their relatives to obtain truth and justice. It concentrates on one central issue, namely the question of how they define themselves as victims. After explaining the difference between the lost and the stolen children, the chapter accounts for the legal, institutional and socio-cultural obstacles that victims and their relatives face in their pursuit of truth and justice. The third section argues that the understanding of the relationship between Spain’s lost and stolen children matters and that what is at stake is whether the stolen children and their relatives see themselves as victims of Franco’s dictatorship and, by implication, the definition of their legal and political struggle in the present. The conclusion critically reflects on the extent to which the struggle of Spain’s stolen children illustrates the idea of a competition between victims in their struggle for recognition and justice.

Different versions of this chapter were presented at the symposium ‘Competing Victimhoods in Spain and Italy,’ Humanities Institute, University College Dublin (May 2015), the workshop ‘Violent Pasts and the Politics of Victimhood in Contemporary Societies,’ European Studies Centre, University of Oxford (June 2015), the 5th Annual Conference of the Dialogues on Historical Justice and Memory Network, Columbia University (December 2015), and the conference ‘On Collective Violence. Actions, Roles, Perceptions,’ Centre for Conflict Studies, University of Marburg (Germany) (October 2016). I am grateful to the audiences of all four events for their questions and comments.

This is a preview of subscription content, log in via an institution to check access.

Access this chapter

Chapter
USD 29.95
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
eBook
USD 99.00
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Available as EPUB and PDF
  • Read on any device
  • Instant download
  • Own it forever
Softcover Book
USD 129.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Compact, lightweight edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info
Hardcover Book
USD 199.99
Price excludes VAT (USA)
  • Durable hardcover edition
  • Dispatched in 3 to 5 business days
  • Free shipping worldwide - see info

Tax calculation will be finalised at checkout

Purchases are for personal use only

Institutional subscriptions

Notes

  1. 1.

    One exception is Gónzalez de Tena (2014). The author is a sociologist and President of a federation of victims’ associations, Federación Coordinadora X24 de Asociaciones de Víctimas por el Robo de Niños en España.

  2. 2.

    A few news websites, for example Periodismohumano or Periódico Diagonal, regularly publish articles about the stolen children. See also the book by El País journalists Duva and Junquera (2011). In addition to several special TV programmes, a few interesting documentaries have also been produced in Spain (Armengou and Belis 2011) but also in the UK (Adler 2011), Germany (Bremer 2016) and France (Mercier and Gordillo 2012)

  3. 3.

    Some novels are Entra en mi Vida (2012), by Clara Sánchez, Yo Te Quiero, (2012) by José Luis Gordillo and Mientras Pueda Pensarte (2013), by Inma Chacón. TV series include Niños Robados (Telecinco) and Sin Identidad (Antena 3).

  4. 4.

    In addition, the regime carried out a programme of forced repatriation of the children sent into exile during the Civil War (Richards 2005).

  5. 5.

    On the 2007 Law, see Tamarit Sumalla (2013, Chap. 7).

  6. 6.

    Garzón’s writ relies on the work of historian Ricard Vinyes and the legal arguments developed by Rodríguez Arias (2008).

  7. 7.

    Interview with the author, 10 September 2014.

  8. 8.

    Those privileges are mainly of a fiscal nature as the Catholic Church is exempted from several taxes, in particular property tax. Besides, its not-for-profit activities are supported by the state. The issue of state funding for the Catholic Church has also proved extremely controversial. Until 2006, taxpayers could chose to make a tax-deductible donation of 0.52% of their income to the Catholic Church, but the state provided an annual subsidy to increase the amount received by the Church. In 2007 the Socialist government raised the donation to 0.7% but cut direct state funding to the Church. Today, voluntary donations from Spaniards’ income tax amount to a quarter of the Church’s budget. Another much-criticised privilege enjoyed by the Church is its right to register in its diocese’s name any piece of land or property that is not registered in anyone’s name. The Church holds this right from a law passed in 1946 under Franco, and in 1998 conservatives extended this right to places of worship, which is how the Catholic Church claimed ownership of the historic mosque-cathedral of Córdoba in 2006.

  9. 9.

    The Catholic Church has supported mass demonstrations against same-sex marriage or the legalisation of abortion . It also has an influential radio station as well as its own TV channel. Finally, the place of Catholic education in primary and secondary schools is a major bone of contention between conservatives and the Left. In 2006 the Socialist government adopted a new law that made it optional and created a compulsory programme of citizenship education whose content was heavily criticised by the Church. Back in power, in 2013 the Conservative government abolished the citizenship education programme and reintroduced religious education modules, though alternative options are offered to schoolchildren.

  10. 10.

    Interview with the author, 10 September 2014.

  11. 11.

    The gynaecologist does not go as far as to compare single mothers to prostitutes. However, the TV series Sin Identidad cited in note 4 has been criticised by some activists precisely because the character of the mother of the stolen children is the illiterate but determined daughter of Republican parents killed during the dictatorship who became a prostitute, which is how she got pregnant.

  12. 12.

    Interview with the author, 30 September 2014.

  13. 13.

    Interview with the author, 30 September 2014.

  14. 14.

    Interview with the author, 30 September 2014.

  15. 15.

    Interview with the author, 22 September 2014.

  16. 16.

    Interview with the author, 13 May 2014.

  17. 17.

    Interview with the author, 22 September 2014.

  18. 18.

    Interview with the author, 30 September 2014.

  19. 19.

    Interview with the author, 22 September 2014.

  20. 20.

    The role of the Argentinian Complaint deserves to be stressed. By uniting a range of actors and pooling their efforts, it has given visibility to other victims, in particular the so-called victims of the transition, the individuals murdered by the police and para-military groups between Franco’s death in 1975 and the early 1980s. These victims see themselves as victims of the dictatorship owing to the impunity that characterised the Spanish transition to democracy.

References

Download references

Author information

Authors and Affiliations

Authors

Editor information

Editors and Affiliations

Rights and permissions

Reprints and permissions

Copyright information

© 2018 The Author(s)

About this chapter

Check for updates. Verify currency and authenticity via CrossMark

Cite this chapter

Druliolle, V. (2018). The Struggle for Recognition of the Stolen Children and the Politics of Victimhood in Spain. In: Druliolle, V., Brett, R. (eds) The Politics of Victimhood in Post-conflict Societies. St Antony's Series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-70202-5_4

Download citation

Publish with us

Policies and ethics