Abstract
This chapter centres on the politics of charity and humanitarianism, and the ethics of fundraising, examining how members of staff and The Friends of Ngomso (a partner UK charity) generated funding and support for the school. Questioning the continuing legacy of the UK’s historical relationship with Africa and Africans, I interpret supporters and donors’ judgements of promotional discourses, including those concerning ‘street children’. Finally, I consider how volunteering provided some UK residents with the opportunity to re-evaluate these discourses in light of their first-hand experiences at the school.
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- 1.
Hecht’s (2008: 240) discussion of ‘commodification’—that is, how the lives of Brazilian street children have been “photographed and written about”, and “in whose name money is raised and social movements galvanised”—has much in common with this notion of ‘marketing’. Similar notions have been articulated in reference to fundraising efforts concerning ‘orphanhood’ and orphanages (see Bornstein 2009; Weckesser 2011). As Cheney (2010: 7) argues, with reference to these same contexts, “children themselves become the commodities that circulate to produce new forms of vulnerability”.
- 2.
Dahl’s (2006: 636, emphasis added) ethnographic research in Botswana yields a similar observation: “the European man who founded Bathusi [a day-care orphanage] had a particular knack for fund-raising, and he began to market the stories of hungry orphans (and greedy relatives) to donors”.
- 3.
Paul Harris (2000: 8–9) argues that we do not use our imagination to withdraw “from the world” but as a way of “engaging and learning about it”.
- 4.
It is difficult to provide more ethnographic data to back up this point. Imaginations cannot be seen and can only be explained to others after the fact of their formation (i.e. as a memory of an imagination that once was). Moreover, individuals can be selective about the aspects of their imaginations that they share with others, and there are always limits to what can be shared because recollections of what was imagined differ from experiences and forms of initial imagining. Nonetheless, when we observe interactions between others, such as those I saw in Susan’s church and at the school in Warwick , we can see how others act upon their imaginations, and deduce something about the qualities of these imaginations.
- 5.
The ‘mothers who sleep around’ narrative was not, to my knowledge, explicitly linked with the issue of ‘AIDS orphans’ during fundraising. However, these issues were frequently referenced, leading me to think that members of staff saw a connection between the threat of AIDS and the ‘lifestyle choices’ of those affected.
- 6.
Crewe and Axelby (2013: 1) make a similar assertion: “Fundraising drives and awareness-raising campaigns … rely on the evocation of despair to provoke a reaction. Shocking images are accompanied by passionate pleas for support.”
- 7.
Dirty tap water was frequently offered to Grahamstown residents due to irregularities in municipal expenditure and nepotism in the appointment of unqualified staff, but Joyce didn’t mention this.
- 8.
This assertion is made to comic effect in a parody of the quiz-show Who Wants to Be a Millionaire. For the “chance to save Africa” the contestant is asked “How many countries are there in Africa?” (Who Wants to Be a Volunteer ?, 2014: 1.17 minutes). She ‘correctly’ answers: “one” (ibid: 2.40 minutes).
- 9.
The London Common Council sent 100 ‘vagrant children’ from Britain to North America as early as 1619 (Higginbotham 2012). This instigated the practice of ‘organised emigration and resettlement’ for ‘abandoned’, ‘orphaned’, and ‘gutter children’ from Britain to her colonies. Most pointedly, a party was sent to the Cape of Good Hope in 1832 (Merseyside Maritime Museum 2014). The most expansive practice was the Home Children scheme, initiated by Annie Macpherson, a devout evangelical Christian, who also opened the Home of Industry in London (Frost 2005: 325–6). Her organisation was later incorporated into that of Dr Thomas John Barnardo (now Barnardo’s) (ibid.). As in the case of Barnardo, “the impulse to rescue children from dangerous or morally undesirable situations informed child migration as practiced by all the major children’s societies” (Lawrence and Starkey 2001: 5–6).
- 10.
What might appear to be impulsive reactions to appeals for immediate assistance were, however, rarely impulsive acts. More accurately, they were mobilisations of historically constituted ethical imaginations, which were dependent upon individuals’ life courses and resources. Supporters frequently said that their involvement fulfilled a hope for self-transformation of some kind. As mentioned, Susan wanted to work with children in Africa in order to fulfil her obligations as a Christian Vicar. Betty and Sally, two sisters who volunteered at the school, went to South Africa in an attempt to improve their relationship by separating themselves from the UK. Their parents were keen for them to do so and funded their trip accordingly. A man named Daniel volunteered at the school because he met Mary when planning to take time away from his professional commitments in the UK.
- 11.
The episode in question was a component of a bigger effort to construe a particular relationship of responsibility between the G8 nations and the ‘developing world’ (Africa in particular). The programme in question was criticised for breaching the BBC’s stance on impartiality: the writer, Richard Curtis, also founded Comic Relief and the Make Poverty History campaign and helped to organise the ten Live 8 concerts of 2005 (Holmwood 2007).
- 12.
This statement holds true even when the promoted cause is an intervention that aims to bring about self-sufficiency because such notions suggest that the individuals in question have been unable to sustain themselves prior to such interventions, which is clearly not the case if they are alive.
- 13.
Beyond Susan’s reaction, consider the words of an American who also watched the programme and was moved to volunteer for the ONE Campaign, an advocacy organisation that focuses its attentions on Africa, including the promotion of school attendance (ONE 2015): “I couldn’t watch it and not do anything…. I told my wife I had to do something” (Reuters 2008: np).
- 14.
Weckesser (2011: 20) suggests that orphans have been portrayed in a similar way.
- 15.
Beier’s (1987) book is entitled Masterless Men: The Vagrancy Problem in England 1560–1640, which echoes D.H. Lawrence’s ([1923] 2011: 41–47) Spirit of Place. Lawrence (ibid: 44) was concerned that America had become a republic of “The masterless”. He (ibid.) wrote that “Liberty is all very well, but men cannot live without masters” (see McClay 1994). In the Cape, where slavery officially ended between 1834 and 1840, people were once property and many escaped slaves, like stolen goods, were in a different and more desperate situation than mere masterless vagrants, for they knew what awaited them if they were apprehended.
- 16.
For example, in 1654, Richard Younge (cited in Slack 1974: 360) argued that these ‘rogues’ were “an uncircumcised generation, unbaptized, out of the Church, and so consequently without God in the World”. Henry VIII (cited in Nicholls, [1904] 2007: 115) was concerned about the Godless, idle and immoral who disturbed the “common weal of this realm”.
- 17.
It is in relation to the ‘priestly caste’ that Nietzsche (1994: 15) argues “‘clean’ and ‘unclean’ confront each other for the first time as badges of class distinction; here again, there develops a ‘good’ and a ‘bad’”.
- 18.
For example, the Vagabonds and Beggars Act of 1495 was passed during the reign of Henry VII. It states: “Vagabonds, idle and suspected persons shall be set in the stocks for three days and three nights and have none other sustenance but bread and water and then shall be put out of Town” (King’s Norton History Society 2004: np).
- 19.
Cheney (2010) discusses a similar terminological shift in Uganda: from ‘orphans’ to ‘vulnerable children’.
- 20.
Academic accounts of orphanhood have similarly offered warnings of tidal waves in relation to concerns about political security (see Weckesser 2011: 20).
- 21.
- 22.
Recall, from earlier in the chapter, that the term ‘street children’ has generally succeeded ‘glue sniffers’.
- 23.
For instance , Wright (2012: 14) claims that the proliferation of schooling has “intrinsic human value”, and that schools “are the only institutions in the [Eastern Cape Province] that have the social and intellectual reach to build the country’s long-term future”. In this view, schools are interpreted as ‘right’, and this ‘right’ is often conflated with the realisation of ‘rights’ (see Comaroff and Comaroff 1997: 9). A corpus that provides an interesting counter to such assertions is associated with studies of ‘neocolonialism’ or ‘postcolonialism’, and ‘cultural imperialism’. Scholars are critical of how processes of schooling in South Africa, and across the continent, support ‘Western’ or ‘European’ demands and propagate racialised, culturally configured geographical inequalities (e.g. Abdi 2002; Mazuri 1993). They wish to address the way that ‘indigenous cultures’ were ‘decimated’ during the colonial era; processes of ‘cultural imperialism’ that, they argue, are maintained through systems of ‘postcolonialism’ and ‘globalised capitalism’ (Abdi and Cleghorn 2005; Shizha 2005; also see, Rizvi 2001).
- 24.
Kathryn McHarry (2013) made a similar, ethnographically informed, point during her presentation at the American Anthropological Association meeting of 2013, which was entitled Sponsoring the Future: Marketizing Children’s Potential in Senegalese Preschools.
- 25.
I would like to thank Derick Fay for this insight and his helpful comments regarding this section of analysis, in particular, and my PhD thesis as a whole.
- 26.
For instance, when considering anthropological engagements with neoliberalism as a series of paradigms, one of which is most clearly “influenced by post-structuralism”, Kingfisher and Maskovsky (2008: 118) highlight “the shift in governmentality whereby a modality of government based on social intervention and Keynesian welfare statism is transformed into a modality in which the operations of government … are autonomized and economized in accordance with an entrepreneurial model that emphasizes personal, familial and community responsibility and risk, and the proliferation of NGOs”. It is with knowledge of this argument that I make a claim in the main text regarding the commonality of associations of neoliberalism with devolutions of power to families and communities, as well as NGOs.
- 27.
- 28.
Harrison and Crewe (1998: 30) make a related point when they argue, “For those working in development, whether they seek modernity or greater respect for local people, ‘primitive’ has been replaced by ‘traditional’ or, more recently, indigenous and local, and ‘civilized’ by ‘modern’”.
- 29.
Incidentally, Kipling was good friends with Lord Roberts of Kandahar, who led British forces during the second Boer War (1899–1902) and was uniquely the subject in three Kipling poems (Moore 2013). Kipling distributed supplies this same war (ibid.), providing the setting for many of his ‘Barrack-Room Ballads’.
- 30.
Their analysis is made with reference to Bourdieu’s (1977) theorisation of how domination and control are achieved through the imposition of indirect, subtle everyday practices.
- 31.
Simpson’s (2003) ethnography of a mission school in Zambia also directly examines schooling in terms of everyday orderings of time and futurity.
- 32.
I don’t know if Sally’s shift between “African” and “Afrikaans” was a slip of the tongue or whether her choice of words illustrates a lack of understanding. I only noticed when listening to a recording of our conversation and did not ask her for clarification at the time.
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Pattenden, O. (2018). Promoting Specialness. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_5
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