Abstract
This chapter details productions and contestations of learners’ ‘specialness’. Its first section focuses upon the judgements that members of staff made about the learners’ lives outside of school and their relationships with families/caregivers in particular. I analyse the concepts ‘extrinsic barriers to learning’ and ‘street children’, and the moral judgements of township residents. Learners then have their say on the matter as I examine their opinions regarding their ‘specialness’ (i.e. abnormality and immorality) and the techniques they employed to transform and evade stigma. The final section addresses the question: Why did they attend Ngomso ‘special school’ and not some other, mainstream school?
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Notes
- 1.
In South Africa, government posts frequently offer pension contributions, private healthcare, and relative security . Over 120 applications were received when Peter’s post as the school’s driver was advertised.
- 2.
Perhaps the only ‘barrier’ that can be measured is material poverty . However, even this has to be relativised.
- 3.
An estimated 12.2% of the South African population were HIV positive in 2012, and 11.6% was the comparable figure in the Eastern Cape (Shisana et al. 2014: XXVI). National HIV prevalence rates have been particularly high among “black African females aged 20–34 years” (31.6%) and “black African males aged 25–49 years” (25.7%) (ibid: xxix). The prevalence of HIV infection among pregnant women rose from 2.2% in 1990, when the eldest learner enrolled at Ngomso during 2011 was born, to 30.2% in 2005, when the youngest registered learner was born (Sishana 2008: 3).
- 4.
In 2006, the Department of Health (2007: 43) estimated that 66% of South African orphans were orphaned as a consequence of HIV-AIDS. I cannot estimate how many Ngomso learners lost parents to HIV-AIDS. However, several individuals spoke to me about such a loss. Likewise, I do not know how many learners were among the estimated 410,000 individuals aged 0–14 living with HIV in South Africa, frequently as a consequence of mother-to-child transmission (Shisana et al. 2014). However, I know that several learners were HIV positive. Encouragingly, in 2012, an estimated 280,000 women received the Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission (PMTCT) programme and such interventions continue to widen (Department of Health 2013: 66).
- 5.
An article by Wadesango et al. (2011) uses this same terminology and speaks to many of the concerns of members of staff.
- 6.
While the terms ‘broken homes’ and ‘juvenile delinquency’ have become unfashionable, the argument that young people (males especially) who grow up in single-parent households are more likely to engage in criminality and have ‘psychological and behavioural problems’ appears in a vast array of (US- and UK-focused) sociology and psychology literature (e.g. Blankenhorn 1995; Demuth and Brown 2004; Flouri 2005; Herzog 2013 [1983]; Paquette 2004; Popenoe 1996; Rohner and Veneziana 2001). To my mind, this research raises many concerns about causality. Caution must also be exercised when attempting to relate this research to the situation in South Africa.
- 7.
Unless otherwise stated, all references from the Bible in this book are taken from the New International Version.
- 8.
Shindler (2010: 4) argues that “a higher proportion of children in poorer households [are] more likely to be out of school than children in higher income households”; access to transport, school uniforms , meals, fees, books, and stationary are all factors in this situation.
- 9.
The Act states that “every parent must cause every learner for whom he or she is responsible to attend a school” from the ages of seven to fifteen, or until they reach the ninth grade (DoE 1996: Chapter 2, section 3). It continues by saying that any parent failing to ensure compulsory attendance “is guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a fine or to imprisonment for a period not exceeding six months” (ibid.).
- 10.
For instance, Margaret Jacobs (2009) provides an account of ‘American Indians’ and Aborigines in colonial America and Australia, respectively.
- 11.
Barbara Ramusack (1990), writing of missionising British women in India, and Jean Allman (1994), writing of the same in Ashanti (now Ghana), both provide similar accounts of how the ‘indigenous Other’ was thought to be ‘child-like’ in their naivety and lack of civility and thus incapable of parenting their own children.
- 12.
Despite Robert Morrell’s (2013: np) report that “rates of teenage pregnancy [in South Africa] have actually been dropping since the 1980s”, elsewhere he (Morrell, Bhana and Shefer 2012: 5) writes: “Teenage pregnancy is common in South Africa. Nearly a third of women have children before they reach the age of 20.”
- 13.
I do not know the source of Holly’s information so cannot confirm its validity. However, I have found no information supporting it. In contrast, according to the Health Systems Trust (HST 2011), the percentage of pregnant women aged 15 to 19 increased from 11.9–15% in 2003 to 19.2% in 2011, and the General Household Survey of 2011 (SSA 2011) suggests a ‘teenage pregnancy rate’ of 4.5%.
- 14.
A substantial report found that CSGs have “reduced sexual activity” among adolescents and reduced pregnancy rates (DSD, SASSA, and UNICEF 2012: v). More broadly, fertility rates in the Eastern Cape declined from 4.6 (average per woman) in 1991 to approximately 2.75 in 2011 (HST 2011). The report also found that the CSGs “reduced alcohol and drug use, particularly for females, and with the effect strengthened by early childhood receipt of the CSG” (DSD, SASSA, and UNICEF 2012: v).
- 15.
Definitions of the term ‘street children’ “generally have three main elements in common: (1) these children live or spend a significant amount of time on the street; (2) the street is the children’s source of livelihood; and (3) they are inadequately cared for, protected, or supervised by responsible adults” (Le Roux and Smith 1998: 915). However, there is room for ambiguity within each of these elements, and each can be prioritised or ignored, which results in variable and inconsistent usages of the term.
- 16.
- 17.
- 18.
In reference to his research in Cape Verde, Bordonaro (2012) argues that street children are thought to have the ‘wrong kind of agency’: their freedoms from adult supervision are not welcomed, but seen as risky and potentially disruptive.
- 19.
Grammar schools, civic foundations, dame schools, and public schools, such as Eton, Harrow, and Westminster, also existed at this time but none educated the numbers that the Church schools did.
- 20.
Other societies such as The British and Oriental School Society for the Education of the Labouring and Manufacturing Classes of Society of Every Religious Persuasion, which favoured non-denomination Christian-based schools, and the Central Society of Education, which favoured schools with no reference to religion (a tiny minority at the time), also received some, but less, funding (Gates 2005).
- 21.
This arrangement was problematic for those who wanted more secularised schools, and the voice for secularisation later triumphed in 1902, when the Balfour Bill stipulated a secular curriculum, without “expectation of conformity to religious belief of ritual” (Gates 2005: 19). In reality, however, in the UK the debate over the relationship between faith and schooling remains as vivacious as ever (see Gardner et al. 2005).
- 22.
In this paragraph and the one that follows, I am making an analytical observation about the formations and functions of SENs, considered as a publically and institutionally constituted moral discourse, rather than a moral judgement about the validity of the notion of SENs or any particular ‘needs’, ‘disorders’, or ‘disabilities’.
- 23.
Two sets of data suggest that the use of corporal punishment is highest in Eastern Cape schools, with an estimated 30–67% of learners experiencing it (Veriava 2014). However, Chapter 1, Section 10 of the South African Schools Act (DoE 1996) clearly states that “No person may administer corporal punishment at a school to a learner”. Any person who does so “is guilty of an offence and liable on conviction to a sentence which could be imposed for assault” (ibid.).
- 24.
Reed (2014) also discovered that corporal punishment was widely practiced in schools and argues that its prominence is evidence of conflict between the emergence of human rights discourses during the democratic transition and ‘cultural valuations’ of physical chastisement. In a more prescriptive paper, Smit (2013: 347) similarly considers “the compatibility of democracy (which incorporates human rights) with the maintenance of order and discipline in schools”. Comparable and contradictory assertions can be found in Cicognani (2004), Maphosa and Shumba (2010), Mthanti and Mncube (2014), and Shaikhnag and Assan (2014).
- 25.
As I discuss in more detail in the penultimate chapter, ‘softly-softly’ punishments took the following forms: exclusion (e.g. a two-day suspension or no outing), isolation or another limitation of freedom (e.g. to sit on the floor in the corridor), humiliation (e.g. cleaning the girls’ toilets), and the denial or delay of otherwise expected provisions (e.g. food or school shoes).
- 26.
For example, in 2005, the provincial secretary of SADTU in Mpumalanga, Shamba Mthembu (cited in Yende 2005: np) said, “We feel that dismissal in these cases is harsh and need to find a way of rehabilitating guilty teachers.” In 2011, John Maluleke, the national secretary of SADTU, said that the ban on corporal punishment had increased violence in schools and forced some teachers to resign (Matlala 2011). Additionally, when the chairman of SADTU’s Gauteng region was due in court to defend allegations of assault against a learner, other members of SADTU attempted to block access to the court and sung ‘struggle [i.e. anti-apartheid] songs’ (SAPA 2011). However, as an organisation, “SADTU condemns acts of corporal punishment in line with the Union’s code of conduct” (SADTU 2015: np). A senior representative of SADTU (Maphila, cited in Chauke 2014: np) recently said that “SADTU is not going to protect anybody dismissed for administering corporal punishment .”
- 27.
Anderson-Levitt (2003: 11) suggests that “an official ban on corporal punishment [in schools]” might be considered as an outcome of the ‘isomorphism’ (i.e. globalised convergence) of institutionalised forms of education, together with the emergence of human rights more generally and the ‘right to education’ especially, as promoted most vigorously by the UN. More specifically, “The prohibition against corporal punishment in schools in South Africa follows the trend adopted by many democracies such as Sweden, Norway, Denmark, Finland, Australia, the United Kingdom and Namibia [the first African country to introduce a ban, in 1991]” (Veriava 2014: 6). R. Morrell (2001: 292) states that during the post-apartheid transition of the 1990s, South Africa more definitively took “a lead from legal precedents in the European Union” when the practice of corporal punishment became unlawful. It is these kinds of processes that I am referring to when using the simplifying, and thus inadequate, term ‘Western moral assemblages’.
- 28.
R. Morrell’s (2001: 296) paper considers an “elite, single-sex, formerly white, rugby and cricket playing school” and corroborates the argument that it is too simplistic to say that ‘blacks’ have been pro-corporal punishment while ‘whites’ have been anti. To this point, corporal punishment was integral to Christian National Education during apartheid (Vally 1998). More recently, a voluntary collective of 196 Christian schools recently took to the South Africa’s Constitutional Court to argue that the legal ban on corporal punishment contravened parents’ religious and cultural rights as the practice aligns with biblical instruction (i.e. not ‘Xhosa culture’). (Judge Sachs did not rule in their favour, and the legal ban was maintained.)
- 29.
We were two of approximately 20 guests invited to the restaurant by a member of my host Rotary club, who worked at Rhodes and coordinated an exchange programme for South African and Canadian students.
- 30.
Nitin was himself considered ‘different’ by some members of the tennis club. With his Asian heritage, several individuals suggested he represented the “[membership] diversity” that the club wanted to increase. To my knowledge, he was the only member who regularly worked in the township.
- 31.
I knew of a handful of incidents were members of staff had been injured by learners, but they did not regularly direct physical or verbal abuse at them, nor did any such events go unpunished. Likewise, ‘bad language’ was not openly tolerated by the staff.
- 32.
On numerous occasions, I observed Mary and Joyce encourage learners to apologise for their misdemeanours and to shake hands or ‘hug it out’ with those wronged by their actions. Such education was inseparable from the promotion of notions of Christianised love and forgiveness.
- 33.
It is worth noting that the South African Schools Act (DoE 1996, Chapter 2, 5.1) states that “A public school must admit learners and serve their educational requirements without unfairly discriminating in any way.” Nitin’s plans clearly contrast with this directive.
- 34.
Offering another example of this analytical theme , Douglas (1984: 98) revisits research that suggests the behaviour of individuals “admitted to a mental hospital” – a ‘marginal space’, not unlike Ngomso in this respect – was tolerated before their admission but “judged to be abnormal” afterwards.
- 35.
As an interesting point of comparison, McCarthy, Wiener, and Soodak (2010: 3) inform us that during the twentieth century in America, “students with disabilities were categorized as ‘educable, ‘trainable,’ ‘untrainable,’ or ‘uneducable’”. Those “labeled ‘educable’ and ‘trainable’ were schooled at the public’s expense but usually in isolation from their nonclassified peers—either in separate [special] schools or classrooms”. In contrast, those “labeled ‘untrainable’ or ‘uneducable’ were excluded from public schools”.
- 36.
Only one learner at Ngomso, Zamekile, was ‘officially classed’ (i.e. by a medical practitioner) as having ‘mental health problems’. He was diagnosed as having ADHD , as I discuss elsewhere in the book.
- 37.
Such claims were especially value-laden because another special needs school in Grahamstown catered for the ‘severely intellectually disabled’ or ‘(mildly) mentally handicapped’. Its learners were also heavily stigmatised. As I walked past the school with two grade six learners they were not disparaging about them, but keenly pointed out they were different from Ngomso learners.
- 38.
I think Sidima would have said those ‘unlike a Xhosa’ were ‘wealthy whites living in town’. I would guess that he thought this group would react differently when hearing that he attended Ngomso because individuals who lived in the town generally had positive things to say about the school and the efforts of Mary in particular.
- 39.
This sentence was inspired by the following statement from Pitt-Rivers (1968: 503): “[The] psychological and social functions [of honour] relate to the fact that it stands as a mediator between individual aspirations and the judgment of society.”
- 40.
My observation should not be confused with the fact that young men wear ingceke (white clay) when undergoing initiation into Xhosa manhood, even though calamine lotion might replace the clay should it be hard to obtain or too expensive (Vivian 2012: 31). An interesting comparison can be made, however, as ingceke signifies the transformative state of the initiate and is ritually washed-off when one graduates to manhood (Mhlahlo 2009: 118). In using the lotion, my interlocutors were similarly attempting to alter the pigmentation of their skin, albeit permanently, to signify something about their moral qualities and transform how they were perceived by others.
- 41.
Research conducted at the University of Cape Town found that approximately one-third of South African women use skin-lightening creams, including those that are illegal and contain chemicals that harm human skin (‘Dying to be White’ 2014). The health implications and decision-making processes related to this issue are currently being investigated by an interdisciplinary team at the same institution.
- 42.
I cannot be certain, but I believe that Siseko did not engage in the activities he described. When the police came to arrest his neighbours one afternoon, they paid no attention to him, and, as far as I know, he never came into contact with the law about their conduct.
- 43.
I learnt about a similar technique while talking to a student friend. She was approached on a night out by a man with a dog, who said he would kill the animal unless she bought it from him there and then, which she did.
- 44.
R. Morrell (2001) found that some students in Durban welcomed the prohibition of corporal punishment while others were concerned about a lack of ‘harsh consequences’. Similarly, in the Eastern Cape, Reed (2014: 86) found that “students were often proponents of corporal punishment , recognizing it as a critically important method of social control, cohesion, and learning”.
- 45.
According to the General Household Survey of 2010, “a lack of money” was the main reason (39% of cases) why those aged seven to twenty-four in the Eastern Cape did not attend school (ECSECC 2011: 6). The percentage of learners attending school without paying fees (on a national level) increased from 0.7% in 2002 to 55.6% in 2011 (SSA 2011: 1).
- 46.
In reference to how some ‘orphans’ in Botswana are increasingly fed by NGOs rather than family members, Dahl (2006: 637) considers a “feedback loop of threatened kinship”. I do not know just how perturbed Samkelo’s grandmother was by the situation; however, the school did step in when he took time off from school to care for an aunt, which speaks to Dahl’s analysis of a tension between NGOs and the families of young beneficiaries.
- 47.
Despite the statement in the main text, Christianity, in varying forms, was by no means absent from Xhosa society at this time, and was perhaps most notable in the prophecies of the Cattle-Killing movement (see Peires 1987: 45).
- 48.
The significant exception was the amaFengu (now Mfengu). In return for their military services to the British, these isiXhosa speakers were allowed to settle in the Colony and rapidly converted to Christianity.
- 49.
Gendered relations of power and spiritual aspects of Christianity also factored in processes of Christianisation among the Xhosa (Erlank 1999; Hodgson 1983). It has been argued that women were initially attracted to mission stations because they found a preferable societal arrangement (Gaitskell 1990). Women were the labourers in Xhosa society (Peires 1982: 104), while missionaries encouraged them to leave the labour to men and save their energies for domestic roles, including a distinct concept of motherhood. This may have had its own appeal for women who experienced ‘the double shift’ long before ‘modernity’ brought this to ‘Western women’.
- 50.
It is argued that the British administration did not intervene in the Cattle-Killing as it served to reduce the political influence of the chiefs over the Xhosa and limited the terms of “pastoral patronage” (Stapleton 1993: 356). Adding further ambiguity, Stapleton (1993: 369) suggests that the Cattle-Killing movement was as much about the Xhosa contesting their material subjection within Xhosa chiefdoms as it was a spiritual movement. S. Davies (2010) provides an analysis of numerous accounts of the movement that highlights the diverse meanings and interpretations which have been assigned to the events.
- 51.
According to Peires (1987: 43; also see 1989), “about 85 per cent of all Xhosa adult men killed their cattle and destroyed their corn in obedience to Nongqawuse’s prophecies. It is estimated that 400,000 cattle were slaughtered and 40,000 Xhosa died of starvation. At least another 40,000 left their homes in search of food.”
- 52.
There are reports from the period of cannibalism and filicide that were completely against the beliefs and value systems of the Xhosa (Mostert 1992). Infants were offered to men of the Church (Mostert 1992: 1231). The destitute Xhosa also began labouring on public works in increased numbers (Peires 1989: 58).
- 53.
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Pattenden, O. (2018). Extrinsic Barriers to Learning. In: Taking Care of the Future. Anthropological Studies of Education. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69826-7_3
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