Abstract
This chapter examines the discursive symbolism of the ubiquitous phrase “to sit at home and do nothing,” in order to interrogate how spaces outside of the workplace helped define the meaning of work for retail workers. Workers’ stories of household precariousness and the “praxis of providing,” expressed through gendered anxieties and futurity in children, help to explain the endurance of a politics focused on workplace relations.
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Notes
- 1.
From fieldnotes; Thando Shabalala, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, October 12, 1999.
- 2.
Arendt (1958, 83–85) uses the word “necessity” for labour that is cyclical, unending, and directed toward survival.
- 3.
Mabena (2017, 44) explains that the word mahlalela for someone who is unemployed derives from the isiZulu word uk’hlala which means both to sit and to live.
- 4.
Anna Zwane, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Ekurhuleni, August 12, 1999.
- 5.
Gcwabaza Nomhle, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, June 8, 2000.
- 6.
Zama Ntuli, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, December 1, 1999.
- 7.
Female services sector workers who lost their jobs stood in marked difference to male manufacturing workers in the same position, who tended to engage in the informal economy with resources leveraged from employment (e.g., Barchiesi 2011).
- 8.
Zama Ntuli, interview.
- 9.
“Township ” or “location” colloquially refers to residential areas that were legally segregated for blacks under apartheid.
- 10.
Thabo Phasha, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, March 28, 1999.
- 11.
Vuyo Nokabu, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, May 6, 2000.
- 12.
In 2000 in a survey I conducted, permanent workers reported earning on average R10.45 per hour (R1898 per month); casual workers R7.17 per hour (R575 per month); and contract merchandisers, R7.19 per hour (R1276 per month) (Kenny 2001, 95).
- 13.
See, for comparison, Stewart (1996).
- 14.
- 15.
Maserame Khumalo, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, December 3, 1999.
- 16.
Gcwabaza Nomhle, interview.
- 17.
Cheryl Isaacs, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Ekurhuleni, May 25 and 27, 1999.
- 18.
My emphasis in this notion of personhood differs from James Ferguson (2015). He highlights the activity which people assert in order to be imbricated into relationships of dependency, especially in times of increasing precariousness. Following Jean and John Comaroff, I am emphasizing the generative capacity – bringing others into being. It was not only the accumulation of people, but it was also the ability to bring others into being that I am highlighting. This ability determined “adulthood.”
- 19.
The child support grant was introduced in 1998. In these years, the earning threshold for urban dwellers was R9,600 per year for an individual caregiver (see Beukes et al. 2016, 4).
- 20.
- 21.
Mbali Gumede, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, June 12, 1999; Lerato Kgasago, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 2, 1999; Ayanda Nkosi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 8, 1999; Nontando Gumbi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, January 25, 2000.
- 22.
Lerato Kgasago, interview.
- 23.
Sara Dlamini, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Soweto, June 19, 1999.
- 24.
While no school fees are charged in South Africa for many government schools, there are multiple supplementary but required expenses such as school uniforms . In addition there is a range of schools with fee structures that demand higher contributions from parents (see Hunter 2015).
- 25.
Palesa Bogasu, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, July 30, 1999.
- 26.
- 27.
Thabo Phasha, interview. His father had passed away, but his sisters and their children lived in the house.
- 28.
Khenzani Nkuna, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, June 12, 1999, and May 14, 2000. Inkatha is an opposition political party. Its political ethos is based on an ethnic identity of Zulu traditionalism. For the history of its violent conflict with the ANC , particularly on the East Rand in the early 1990s, see Bonner and Ndima (1999), Sapire (1992), Segal (1992), and Sitas (1996).
- 29.
Many of their parents’ generation had been forcibly removed to Daveyton from areas closer to the centre of Benoni (see Bonner 1990b).
- 30.
Until 1994, African women could not own property in urban areas in their own name, and could only obtain access to housing as dependents of their husbands. Many single casual workers whom I interviewed had been in this situation (e.g., Phindi Masango, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, July 29, 1999; Khosi Nkosi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 1, 1999; Zama Ntuli, interview; Nontando Gumbi, interview).
- 31.
Daniel Madonsela, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Ekurhuleni, May 13, 1999; Sara Dlamini, interview; Mandla Moyo, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, June 21, 1999, August 17, 24 and 31, 2000, September 7 and 14, 2000; Mondli Ngayi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 21, 1999, and March 28, 2000.
- 32.
Jabu Mbambisa, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, June 20, 1999, and August 31, 2000; Busi Sithole, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 16, 1999. This phenomenon has been at the heart of the social movements in South Africa which emerged in the early 2000s (Naidoo 2007; Naidoo and Veriava 2009; Dawson and Beinart 2010; Von Schnitzler 2016).
- 33.
See, for example, Jabu Mbambisa, interview; Sarah Mahlangu, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Ekurhuleni, July 27, 1999.
- 34.
Jabu Mbambisa, interview.
- 35.
Vuyo Nokabu, interview.
- 36.
Thabang Maloka, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 13, 1999; Mary Nkosi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 26 and December 3, 1999, and September 7, 2000; Buhle Bhengu, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 27, 1999; Vuyiswa Xaba, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 27, 1999.
- 37.
Mary Nkosi, interview.
- 38.
Mary Nkosi, interview.
- 39.
The Reconstruction and Development Programme provided for small housing subsidies to people earning an income below a set threshold (Bond 2000).
- 40.
Zanele Mathebula, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Ekurhuleni, May 27, 1999.
- 41.
Household composition in South Africa has shifted with changing wage and non-wage provisioning strategies available to members (Beittel 1992). See, more generally, Smith and Wallerstein (1992) who show how household forms change with periods of economic expansion and contraction, partially related to the relative proportion of income (see also Nelson and Smith 1999).
- 42.
- 43.
Kethiwe Dlomo, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, August 1, 1999.
- 44.
Cheryl Isaacs, interview.
- 45.
Ayanda Nkosi, interview.
- 46.
Zodwa Zondi, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, May 7, 2000.
- 47.
Wage income, even any wage income, carries a relatively significant import to households in comparison to households relying only on non-wage income. An increase in household income is correlated with increases in the share of the wage contribution (Finn 2015, 6).
- 48.
Deborah James details how wage work enables the granting of credit. For instance, debts to retailers, particularly clothing and furniture retailers and banks, account for a large proportion of debt, as do debts to informal moneylenders (James 2015, 168; see also Bond 2013). Thus, being linked into wage labour often enables these circuits.
- 49.
See Morrell et al. (2012) for an overview of masculinity studies in South Africa.
- 50.
Certain South African cultural traditions include the initiation of young men, during which they are circumcised and taught gender-specific knowledge and skills (Vuyo Nokabu, interview).
- 51.
Vuyo Nokabu, interview.
- 52.
- 53.
Jabu Mbambisa, interview.
- 54.
Jabu Mbambisa, interview.
- 55.
Jabu Mbambisa, interview.
- 56.
See Salo (2003) for the importance of the changing meanings of “motherhood ” to women’s power in different historical moments, including under increasing unemployment, in other contexts in South Africa.
- 57.
- 58.
Zanele Mathebula, interview.
- 59.
Thandile Ziyane, interviewed by Bridget Kenny, Daveyton, February 22, 2000.
- 60.
Although see Hunter (2015, 1298) for how fathers’ assistance with schooling may also alter these relationships.
- 61.
The choice she, and many others, made to remain the sole supporter of her child could be linked to findings that suggest that fathers’ contributions to maintenance costs toward children often came with demands of access to the mother (Khunou 2012).
- 62.
Busi Sithole, interview.
- 63.
Kethiwe Dlomo, interview.
- 64.
Kethiwe Dlomo, interview.
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Kenny, B. (2018). “To Sit at Home and Do Nothing”: Gender and the Constitutive Meaning of Work. In: Retail Worker Politics, Race and Consumption in South Africa. Rethinking International Development series. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69551-8_7
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