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Sentencing and Punishment in Japan and England: A Comparative Discussion

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Abstract

This is a discussion on sentencing and punishment. We compare England and Wales, as a jurisdiction allowing indefinite imprisonment without chance of parole, with Japan, as a jurisdiction retaining the death penalty. We first provide an overview on penal policy, public opinion, and the legal institutions of sentencing and then examine the aims of prevention, consistency, efficiency, lay participation, retribution, and the protection of the human rights of offenders. We do so by combining the perspectives of a former judge, barrister, and criminologist from England, a professor of criminal law from Japan, and a multilingual comparatist working in both jurisdictions. This not only addresses an astonishing lack of comparative scholarship on the criminal justice systems of England and Japan. We also highlight parallel trends in both sentencing regimes and introduce four recent Japanese reforms: (1) increased punitiveness, by maximum tariffs raised in 2004; (2) increased consistency, through a sentencing database introduced in 2008; (3) problems of citizen participation, since lay judge trials commenced in 2009; and (4) focus on efficiency, by the introduction of plea bargaining in 2016.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    On these questions, cf. already Walker and Padfield (1999), and the edited volume by Tonry (2010); for Japan, cf. e.g. the special journal issue by Akaike (2012).

  2. 2.

    Relevant legislation is listed in Ashworth (2015, at 20–22); for a recent critique, cf. Roberts and Ashworth (2016).

  3. 3.

    On the guidelines, see Roberts (2013); for a multitude of perspectives, including comparative approaches, see the edited volume by Ashworth and Roberts (2013); including Padfield (2013); explanations to the Sentencing Council’s Guidelines to the Criminal Justice Act 2003 in Japanese are provided by Ido (2007). All offence-specific and the generic guidelines are available from the websites of the Sentencing Council (2016).

  4. 4.

    Act Concerning Participation of Lay Judges in Criminal Trials (Saiban-in no sanka suru keiji saiban ni kansuru hôritsu), Law No. 63/2004, as amended by Law No. 44/2009; English translation by Anderson and Saint (2005).

  5. 5.

    For a Japanese commentary on the general provisions on the six types of punishments (see Itô and Matsumiya, 2013).

  6. 6.

    Art 199 of the Penal Code; individual sentences will depend on circumstances relating to the person of the defendant and the criminal act itself, see recently Shiroshita (2015).

  7. 7.

    For a comparison of Japanese crime rates, which have declined by almost 50% after 2002, with the UK, see Miyazawa (2013); for the most recent figures, see inter alia Table 1-1-1-2, Hômu-sho Hômu sôgô kenkyû-jo (2015); for context on these statistics, particularly on the dark figures, see Finch (2000).

  8. 8.

    On the increase of the use and length of custodial sentences, cf., e.g. Ashworth (2015, at 5 and 10); on the questions surrounding the topic of ‘back-door sentencing’, see the contributions in Padfield (2012).

  9. 9.

    Cf. also Padfield (2014, 2016c).

  10. 10.

    For police recorded crime data, see Office for National Statistics (2016).

  11. 11.

    For the crime survey, see TNS RMBB and Office for National Statistics (2016).

  12. 12.

    On this trend in Japan, cf. Shiroshita (2009); Shiroshita (2005); on other punitive amendments, cf. Miyazawa (2008).

  13. 13.

    Act partially amending the Penal Code (Keihô no ichibu o kaisei suru hôritsu), Law No. 156/2004; for an overview of the old and new statutory sentences, see Shiroshita (2010, at 244).

  14. 14.

    Act partially amending the Penal Code (Keihô no ichibu o kaisei suru hôritsu), Law No. 57/2007.

  15. 15.

    On the question of deterrence by capital punishment, see comparatively Hood and Hoyle (2015, pp. 317–349), on the contestations of capital punishment in Asia at 84–102, particularly on Japan at 94–95, 148, 173, and 260.

  16. 16.

    Padfield (2005, 2010).

  17. 17.

    For an empirical comparison of the sentences handed down by juries today versus those of professional judges before, see Saikô saiban-sho jimu sôkyoku [General Secretariat, Supreme Court] (2012).

  18. 18.

    For a holistic, critical examination of judicial decision-making in such cases, see Burns (2005); for a recent overview of the sentences handed down between 2009 and February 2016, cf. Suzuki (2016).

  19. 19.

    For overviews on equality and difference in punishment, see Easton and Piper (2016, p. 386) and Ashworth (2015, pp. 250–271).

  20. 20.

    In contrast to other recent developments in Japan’s criminal justice system, the body of literature on Japanese lay judge trials in Western languages has grown rapidly. For a collection of references, cf. Levin and Mackie (2013). For the latest in-depth monographs in English, see, firstly, Vanoverbeke (2015), focussing on sociolegal and historical backgrounds, where the point is made that more than a trend towards more severe sentencing by lay judges, the concern by Japanese professional judges is that the norm established in the past has to be respected, which prevents departures from it (see 141, 173, and 189) and, secondly, Wilson, Fukurai, and Maruta (2015) arguing for an expansion into the civil law realm.

  21. 21.

    Cf. also Shiroshita (2010, pp. 243 and 246).

  22. 22.

    Thomas (1982–2016).

  23. 23.

    Banks (2016).

  24. 24.

    Padfield (2003, 2011).

  25. 25.

    Cf., e.g. Roberts (2011) and Jacobson and Hough (2011).

  26. 26.

    See the various degrees and combinations of elements of the crime of rape (gôkan-zai) in Arts. 177; 178; 178–182; 179; 181 I, II, III; 241; and 243 of the Penal Code.

  27. 27.

    See the various degrees and combinations of elements of the crime of arson (hôka-zai) in Arts. 108; 109 I and II; 110 I and II; 111 I and II; 112; 113; 114; 116; 117; and 117–122 of the Penal Code.

  28. 28.

    Halliday (2001).

  29. 29.

    Sentencing Council (2012).

  30. 30.

    For definitions of the three roles, a defendant can be held to have had in drug cases, and on the four categories relating to the quantity of illegal substances determining the harm done, cf., e.g. Padfield (2013, at 35–37).

  31. 31.

    Cain [2006] EWCA Crim. 3233, [2007] Crim. L.R. 310; James [2007] EWCA Crim. 1906.

  32. 32.

    The proposals are to be found in Hômu-sho hôsei shingi-kai tokubetsu bukai (2014)

  33. 33.

    Art 42 I of the Penal Code.

  34. 34.

    However, plea bargaining was eventually introduced for a limited range of offences. Under the framework of a significant readjustment of the penal process in Japan in May 2016, a plea bargaining system was introduced by the law partially amending the Code of Criminal Procedure, etc. (Keiji soshô-hô-tô no ichibu o kaisei suru hôritsu), Law No. 54/2016. Inter alia, it allows to offer defendants lighter sentences or dropped charges in cases of drug trafficking and certain white-collar crimes, e.g. bribery and tax evasion, in exchange for information not on the defendant but on others, such as accomplices and ringleaders. While critics already argue that such a reform will open doors to false accusations, a first overview in English is provided by Osaki (2016).

  35. 35.

    Newton [1982] 4 Cr. App. R.(S) 388; Underwood [2005] 1 Cr. App. R. 13.

  36. 36.

    On similar, unofficial practices in Japan, however, cf. Johnson (2002, pp. 246–248).

  37. 37.

    Cf. Article 248 of the Code of Criminal Procedure, which draws on the principle of expediency with regard to the discretionary powers of the prosecution under German law of criminal procedure. With a comparison of Japan Rasmusen, Raghav, and Ramseyer (2009).

  38. 38.

    Calculated as 99.79% for ordinary trials in 2014, based on the absolute figures in Table 2-3-2-1 in Hômu-sho Hômu sôgô kenkyû-jo (2015, p. 47). On the methodological problems of calculating and comparing such rates, see Johnson (2002, p. 215); on possible explanations, see Ramseyer and Rasmusen (2001).

  39. 39.

    The 2014 prosecution rate is 34% (Hômu-sho Hômu sôgô kenkyû-jo, 2015, p 45, Table 2-2-3-1).

  40. 40.

    Depending on how you read the recent figures, compare Crown Prosecution Service (2016), with Dodd and Bengtsson (2016).

  41. 41.

    As Johnson (2002), summarizes at 63, prosecutors have more power over life, liberty, and reputation of suspects than anyone else in the Japanese justice system; on the prosecutors’ discretion at id. 104–118.

  42. 42.

    Cf. again, e.g. Thaman (2012, p. 242).

  43. 43.

    In England and Wales, the jury decides the facts and the judge decides the law. In summary, juries are used in criminal cases in the Crown Court (where defendants plead ‘not guilty’), in civil cases in the High Court and County Court (in cases involving defamation, false imprisonment, malicious prosecution, and fraud), and in Coroners’ Courts (to inquire into deaths occurring in prison, police custody, industrial accidents, and other cases with implications for public health and safety); the basic qualifications are laid out by the Juries Act 1974.

  44. 44.

    For an overview of the court and sentencing system in England and Wales, see, e.g. Ashworth (2015, at 1–7); on Japan, see, e.g. Oda (2011, pp. 57–65); and for the references on both jurisdictions, see note 6.

  45. 45.

    Padfield (2016a, 2016c).

  46. 46.

    Art 2 I of Lay Judges Act; cf. Shiroshita (2009, pp. 273–287); and the references in supra notes 8; 13.

  47. 47.

    Art 199 of the Penal Code. For translations of Japanese terms of criminal law, including substance control legislation, see the contributions to the edited volume by Okuda, Anderson, and Baum (2013). For an overview of the murder cases tried between 2010 and 2015, see Shiroshita (2015, pp. 128–129); and Ellis and Hamai (2017).

  48. 48.

    Art 240 of the Penal Code.

  49. 49.

    Art 181 II and III of the Penal Code.

  50. 50.

    Art 108 of the Penal Code.

  51. 51.

    Art 9 of Lay Judges Act.

  52. 52.

    The preceding paragraphs partly draw on Shiroshita (2010, p. 246).

  53. 53.

    Smith (1998).

  54. 54.

    For a recent sociological study on this in a Western language, see Vanoverbeke (2016).

  55. 55.

    Cf. Art 2 II of Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union 2000, bindingly in force since 2009; Art 2 I 2 of Convention for the Protection of Human Rights and Fundamental Freedoms, in force since 1953.

  56. 56.

    Art 11 I of the Penal Code; Art 71 of the Act Concerning Penal Detention of Detainees (Keiji shûyô shisetsu oyobi hi-shûyô-sha-tô no shogû ni kansuru hôritsu), Law No. 50/2005, as amended by Law No. 69/2014.

  57. 57.

    For the leading judgement on the standards for selecting capital punishment from 1983, see Supreme Court, Keishû 37, 609.

  58. 58.

    Art 11 II of the Penal Code does not set forth a maximum term of imprisonment before execution. In 2014, for example, prisoner Iwao Hakamada was released after a retrial and having spent 46 years on death row. For human rights relevant in this context in Japan, cf. Articles 13, 14, 31, 36, 37, and 38 of the Japanese Constitution (Nihon-koku kenpô), 1946; the overview by Oda (2011, pp. 105–107) and Iwasawa (1998).

  59. 59.

    Code of Criminal Procedure (Keiji soshô-hô), Law No. 131/1948, as amended by Law No. 54/2016; English definitions of its key terms are available in Okuda, Anderson, and Baum (2013).

  60. 60.

    Art 475 II Code of Criminal Procedure.

  61. 61.

    For human rights relevant in this context in England and Wales, cf. Articles 3, 5, 6, and 7 of European Convention of Human Rights 1950, as amended by Protocol Nos. 11 and 13, supplemented by Protocol Nos. 1, 4, 6, 7, 12, and 13; the Human Rights Act 1998; the in-depth commentary by Emmerson, Ashworth, and Macdonald (2012); and recently van Zyl Smit, Weatherby, and Creighton (2014)

  62. 62.

    R v Oaks [2012] EWCA Crim. 2435; Attorney General’s Reference No. 69 of 2013 [2014] EWCA Crim. 188.

  63. 63.

    Cf., e.g. Vinter v UK (Grand Chamber, July 2013) and van Zyl Smit, Weatherby, and Creighton (2014); McLoughlin and Newell [2014] EWCA Crim. 188, [2014] Crim. L.R. 471; and most recently Hutchinson v UK, 17 January 2017.

  64. 64.

    As of December 2016, this number has grown to 60, while Japan’s death row population was at 129.

  65. 65.

    On clemency in Japan, see Art 13 of Pardon Act (Onsha-hô), Law No. 20/1947 as amended by Law No. 49/2013 and Arts 1, 1-2, 8, 10, and 11 of Pardon Act Enforcement Ordinance (Onsha-hô shikkô kisoku) No. 78/1947 as amended by Ordinance No. 59/2006; for English translation of both laws, as of 2009, see Ministry of Justice, Japanese Law Translation Database (2009). On the question of a human rights violation, see Death Penalty Project (2013).

  66. 66.

    On paroles in Japan, see Arts. 28–30 of the Penal Code.

  67. 67.

    Padfield (2016b) and Mitchell (2013).

  68. 68.

    Croydon is a borough of London.

  69. 69.

    Crewe, Liebling, Padfield, and Virgo (2015).

  70. 70.

    And read the case in which his conviction was quashed by the Court of Appeal more than 45 years after his execution: Bentley [2001] 1 Cr. App. R. 21, [1999] Crim. L.R. 330.

  71. 71.

    On the role of the media in the UK, cf. Easton and Piper (2016, p. xv, 15–19); on Japan, cf. Ohba (2011); Ohba (2013).

  72. 72.

    Arguments against the death penalty in Japan include that it has no proven effect in relation to reducing heinous crimes; it is contradictory for a law prohibiting homicide to stipulate a punishment that deprives people of life; it constitutes cruel punishment prohibited under Article 36 of the Japanese Constitution; and it cannot be reversed in the event of a misjudgement. Supporters argue that abolition may result in an increase of heinous crimes; based on the principle of proportionality, it is the only suitable punishment for certain heinous crimes; Article 31 of the Constitution is premised on the existence of such punishment, which hence cannot be prohibited under Article 36; and other punishments, such as time spent in prison, also cannot be undone. For reform proposals, cf. already Sher (2011).

  73. 73.

    Easton and Piper (2016).

  74. 74.

    On victims’ procedural rights in Japan, see Matsui (2011) and Herber (2016).

  75. 75.

    Cf. Wood (2009), Gray (2009), Roberts and Hough (2011), and supra note 78.

  76. 76.

    Cf. the five purposes of punishment listed in Criminal Justice Act 2003, s 142. On the ‘cafeteria approach’, see Ashworth (1995, p. 331); this is not mentioned anymore in the current edition Ashworth (2015), but cf. the critical remarks at 42–53.

  77. 77.

    von Hirsch (1976, pp. 45–55); cf. also Hirsch and Ashworth (2005).

  78. 78.

    On England and Wales, see Easton and Piper (2016, pp. 17–19) and the references in supra note 81; on Japan, see Miyazawa (2007); for a recent study on Japanese punitive attitudes and public information, see Sato (2014).

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Acknowledgements

We are grateful to Darwin College, the Judicial Association of Japan (Ippan Shadan Hôjin Shihô Kyôkai), the Templeton World Charity Foundation for research grants, and the Volkswagen Foundation’s ‘Key Issues for Research and Society’ initiative funding on the project ‘Protecting the Weak: Entangled Processes of Framing, Mobilization and Institutionalization in East Asia’ at the Interdisciplinary Centre for East Asian Studies, Frankfurt (AZ 87382). We thank Moritz Bälz and Fumihiko Sakamoto for comments on an early draft.

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Weitzdörfer, J., Shiroshita, Y., Padfield, N. (2018). Sentencing and Punishment in Japan and England: A Comparative Discussion. In: Liu, J., Miyazawa, S. (eds) Crime and Justice in Contemporary Japan. Springer Series on Asian Criminology and Criminal Justice Research. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69359-0_11

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