Abstract
After an introduction to New Urbanism’s founders, goals, and design strategies, the chapter hones in on one figure, Peter Calthorpe, for whom a foundational concept is “philosophic ecology,” which provides a foil to and an implicit critique of built spaces that eschew planning and regulation in favor of an unconstrained market. Though the jury is still out on what New Urbanism has accomplished, it is argued that new urbanist experiments should receive further support because, compared to the modernist style of Moses or suburban sprawl, New Urbanism has at least attempted to redress an imbalance between the private and public, has attempted to reconstitute some notion of the Commons, and has also made sustainability a design priority.
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Notes
- 1.
For a good description, see Thad Williamson’s chapter, “Defining, Explaining and Measuring Sprawl,” in his Sprawl, Justice, and Citizenship: The Civic Costs of the American Way of Life. A shorthand definition would be “low density, automobile-oriented development on the perimeter of metropolitan areas” (Williamson 2010, 114). Another important work is Robert Bruegmann’s Sprawl: A Compact History (2005).
- 2.
In his book Sprawl, Justice, and Citizenship, Thad Williamson provides several critiques of libertarian views as they relate to private property and sprawl. Here is a sample. First, he notes that property values are inextricably tied to the value of public goods and amenities; private property is not some free-floating entity: “holders of property near a public park, for instance, might be expected to enjoy a boost in the value of their holdings relative to comparable property located far away from such publicly generated amenities” (18–19). Second, using the work of Jonathan Levine, Williamson notes that sprawl has been generated by a number of governmental “interventions” (zoning laws, federal subsidies)—it is not simply the result of private preference. “The practical policy choice we face is not,” Williamson argues, “between a supposed free market and a planned regime but between one form of planned regime and another” (21). And, finally, sprawl is not categorically similar to lifestyle and diet choices; it affects “not only the person making the choice but also everyone else presently in the vicinity, as well as those who will use the space in the future” (21).
- 3.
Coordinating with social services and local non-profits is not something that is typical of every new urbanist development; however, the new urbanist HOPE VI public housing program (discussed in more detail in the next chapter) does encourage its grantees to do this. According the HUD: “HOPE VI did not call for building alone. New, revitalized HOPE VI sites are weaving positive ties among public housing residents, neighborhood associations and community institutions. In addition to housing, HOPE VI sites are building new community centers to house and more closely coordinate the many supportive services that help make a working lifestyle achievable for those formerly dependent on welfare. New multi-service centers that house childcare, afterschool programs, computer labs, employment services, training, recreation, and healthcare are common at HOPE VI sites” (HUD 2002).
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Roulier, S.M. (2018). Democracy and Civic Ecology: New Urbanism. In: Shaping American Democracy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-68810-7_7
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