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Conceptualising European Identification and Mechanisms of European Identity Formation

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Explaining European Identity Formation
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Abstract

The chapter defines individual identification with Europe as citizens’ self-categorisation as European together with their evaluations of their membership in the European collective and their affective attachment to Europe and other Europeans. Two mechanisms of European identity formation are suggested: first, an information-based way of European identification that expects citizens to identify with Europe to the extent that they receive relevant information about the community of Europeans; second, an experience based way of European identification that expects citizens to identify with Europe to the extent that they personally interact with other Europeans. Throughout the chapter, European and national identities are juxtaposed to illustrate parallels and differences between the two types of collective identities and highlight the particular dynamics of European identity formation.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    The exact question wording of the item analysed by Pichler and included in Eurobaromenter 57.2 (2002) reads, ‘Different things or feelings are crucial to people in their sense of belonging to Europe. To what extent do you agree with the following statement: I feel European because I share with my fellow Europeans . . .?’ Respondents were given fourteen options, which could be rated on a scale from 1 ‘strongly agree’ to 4 ‘strongly disagree’ (for details on question wording and coding, see Pichler 2008, pp. 414–415 and p. 420). Given that the item explicitly prompts respondents to think about what they share with their fellow Europeans, the indicator appears a valid measure for perceived similarities among Europeans.

  2. 2.

    The exact question wording of the item analysed by Fuchs and Schneider and included in Eurobaromenter 71 (2009) reads, ‘In your opinion, which of the following are the two most important elements that go to make up a European identity?’ Respondents were given seven options from which they could select two (for details, see Fuchs and Schneider 2011). Unlike the indicator used by Pichler, this item does not refer to respondents’ personal feeling as European nor does it incite respondents to think about shared identity elements that Europeans have in common. Therefore, the indicator should at best be considered an indirect measure of perceived similarities among Europeans (Fuchs and Schneider 2011). Nevertheless, it provides some additional information about citizens’ perceptions of the foundations of European identity.

  3. 3.

    It is of course possible that citizens who receive more information about and/or have more personal contacts with other Europeans not only learn more about what they have in common with other Europeans, but also what sets them apart. In this way, Europe-related information and experiences may have reverse effects, leading to less rather than more identification with Europe among EU citizens. Either way, however, the presumed underlying mechanism remains the same: more information/more experience leads to changes in identification.

    The theories of social identity formation in social psychology on which the idea of information- and experience-based identification builds almost exclusively presume a positive association between group salience and group identification. In line with these approaches, I initially focus on positive effects of Europe-related information and experience on citizens’ identification with Europe. However, the in-depth discussion of the two mechanisms of European identification in the following subsections as well as the empirical analysis of European identification in later chapters will take into account both positive and negative effects of more Europe-related information and experience on citizens’ propensity to identify with Europe.

  4. 4.

    As regards the direction of the effect of Europe-related information on European identification, in principle, both positive and negative effects seem plausible. A priori, the present analysis postulates that more information about Europe and the European community leads to changes in citizens’ propensity to identify with Europe. Based on the existing empirical record, which largely finds a positive association between information-related indicators such as media exposure, political interest and engagement in political discussions, or factual knowledge of EU politics on European identification (e.g. Bellucci et al. 2012; Diez Medrano and Gutiérrez 2001; Duchesne and Frognier 1995), the following discussion concentrates on positive effects of citizens’ exposure to Europe-related information on European identification. Nonetheless, the theoretical model developed in Chap. 3 will include hypotheses for both negative and positive effects of information-related indicators on individual identification with Europe.

  5. 5.

    Vice versa, if citizens predominantly receive negative messages about the European community, we should expect them to identify less with Europe.

  6. 6.

    As in the case of Europe-related information, it cannot be excluded that Europe-related experience actually has the reverse effect, leading to a de- rather than increase in European identification. The focus on positive effects of Europe-related experiences on citizens’ identification with Europe is again based on the existing empirical record, which has repeatedly shown a positive association between citizens’ experience with other Europeans and their propensity to identify with Europe (e.g. Braun and Müller 2012; Kuhn 2012b, 2015; Recchi 2008; Rother and Nebe 2009).

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Bergbauer, S. (2018). Conceptualising European Identification and Mechanisms of European Identity Formation. In: Explaining European Identity Formation. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67708-8_2

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