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Vietnam Writings and the National Security State

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Abstract

This chapter examines Morgenthau’s growing opposition to the Vietnam War as part of his broader criticisms of the national security state and the threats it posed to republican constitutional order. In advancing its case for the relevance of Morgenthau’s insights today, the chapter begins by situating several of Morgenthau’s views within contemporary scholarship on the national security state. The next two sections focus on his general critique of American policy in the Vietnam War and the perceived pathologies in the policymaking process. The fourth section shows how Morgenthau’s views converged with Noam Chomsky in several important respects. The fifth section examines his concern over the decline of the ethic of responsibility among policymakers. The final section examines his criticisms of Henry Kissinger’s conduct as statesman.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    For incisive critiques of this approach to political ethics, see Warner 1991: 9–60; Gismondi 2007.

  2. 2.

    This neglect is especially noteworthy when one recalls that Harold Lasswell (1937, 1941) had been publishing influential studies analyzing the emerging clash between the ‘civilian state’ and ‘garrison state.’ The fear that the United States might become a garrison state influenced postwar American national security (Hogan 1998: 28–29, 67, 72, 79, 112, 138, 150–151, 289, 335, 351–352, 464, 467). For a compelling monograph seeking to explain how the United States avoided this outcome in institutional and economic terms, see: Friedberg (2000). For a counterview emphasizing how militarization has shaped postwar culture and ideology, see Sherry 1995; Bacevich 2005.

  3. 3.

    Zimmer (2011) has written (by far) the most comprehensive overview of Morgenthau’s role in opposing the Vietnam War.

  4. 4.

    Bacevich (2007) has reached similar conclusions.

  5. 5.

    The progressive historian Arthur M. Schlesinger, Jr. (1973), exemplifies this pattern. See, generally, Tatalovich and Engeman (2003); Rudalevige (2005: 19–100).

  6. 6.

    For Morgenthau’s view of Watergate, see Morgenthau 1973b.

  7. 7.

    This formulation is strikingly similar to Arendt’s analysis of Eichmann’s thoughtlessness. See Arendt (2006: 48–49, 52–53).

  8. 8.

    I develop the comparison between Morgenthau and Arendt at much greater length in Klusmeyer 2009, 2011a. See also Rösch (2013).

  9. 9.

    Although Arendt makes no reference to George Orwell (1968), her point here shares strong affinities with the argument in his classic 1946 essay.

  10. 10.

    For example, Kissinger (2003: 44) focuses on this point in his comment on Morgenthau’s opposition.

  11. 11.

    See, e.g., Scheuerman (2009: 78–100), Navari, In Defense of the National Interest, in this volume.

  12. 12.

    For a cogent counterpoint, see Smith 1997.

  13. 13.

    Morgenthau (1963) defended Arendt’s controversial study of Eichmann.

  14. 14.

    In his history of postwar policy experts, Bruce Kuklick (2006: 229) concludes, ‘They did their best work in constructing ways of thinking that absolved leadership of liability, deserved or not…the culture paid a pretty penny for the expertise, especially when so many intellectuals disdained a democratic public.’ He does not exclude Morgenthau from this censure but bases his interpretation of his views primarily on his immediate postwar writings.

  15. 15.

    Morgenthau (1974b: 61) makes this relationship explicit in his assessment of Henry Kissinger’s performance in office, observing: ‘That ability to be “lucky” requires a quality of character rather than that of mind or of manipulative finesse. For the statesman, in order to be endowed with that ability, must be capable of separating his ego from his task, subordinating both to objective laws that govern the political universe.’

  16. 16.

    Asked at a public forum about his role in the Vietnam War, Kissinger dismissed any question of apology as ‘highly inappropriate,’ adding: ‘I have no regrets.’ Quoted in Allen 2006: B5; also quoted in Zimmer (2011: xxiii).

  17. 17.

    For example, historians have found that the patterns of collaboration between academic scholars and the national security state were much more complex than Morgenthau had recognized. These historians have also emphasized that by the late 1960s, many universities had begun to sever formal relationships with government agencies in the face of mounting criticisms from the anti-war movement. As a result, policymakers have come to rely increasingly on in-house social science research or that of private consulting firms. Most of this research is not vetted by academic scholars and is not available to public scrutiny, which raises new questions which have only begun to be investigated (Rohde 2013).

  18. 18.

    In the last public assessment of presidential power in foreign affairs, Morgenthau (1983: 1–35) ignores his entire structural critique in returning to reflect on the timeless factors that shape its exercise in foreign policy.

  19. 19.

    He also ignores Arendt’s contributions to it.

  20. 20.

    ‘There is the possibility, of course,’ Mearsheimer (2011: 16) acknowledges, ‘that a person who thinks that he is telling a lie has his facts wrong and is inadvertently telling the truth. The reverse might also be true as well: a person who believes he is telling the truth might have his facts wrong. This problem, however, is irrelevant for my purposes.’

  21. 21.

    For elaborations of this view of public freedom, see Holmes (2009: 323–326); Villa (2008).

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Klusmeyer, D.B. (2018). Vietnam Writings and the National Security State. In: Navari, C. (eds) Hans J. Morgenthau and the American Experience. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-67498-8_6

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