Abstract
A powerful external actor such as the United States played an extremely critical role in coups d’état in other places during the Cold War. The U.S. role in coups abroad can be examined in three stages: pre-coup stage, during the coup, and after. While the US may directly guide a coup attempt, it may encourage or deter possible coup attempts through signals before and during a coup. Once a coup happens however, the US may extend political/diplomatic aid in the form of high-level visits and official recognition of new military governments as well as economic and military aid. The author discusses these stages in detail and introduces both military-to-military relations as another crucial yet unexplored issue and the concept of ‘socialization’ to better understand external dimension of coup attempts.
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Notes
- 1.
Nogaylaroğlu also stressed the plurality of domestic political actors in the United States that vie for power and influence when he said that ‘there are 100 Americas. Some people say they talked to America. But we need to ask them who did they talked with? Which America did they meet?’ (personal communication, June 9, 2015).
- 2.
For a tight race between Secretary of State Cyrus Vance and National Security Advisor Zbigniew Brzezinski to influence President Carter, see Albright (2003, pp. 87–88).
- 3.
Writing in a letter in 1977, Arthur Schlesinger Jr., former spy and intelligence analyst for the Office of Strategic Services and later speechwriter and special assistant to US President John F. Kennedy, said that “CIA was a rogue elephant from way back”. See Schlesinger and Schlesinger (2013, pp. 453, 491).
- 4.
As William Milam, a retired diplomat, said about the 1968 coup d’état against President Modibo Keita in Mali, the United States did not like coup d’état too much but in this case they did not cut off assistance or their relations did not rupture over the coup. They hoped that the new government would be more pro-western and more sympathetic to the UN than deposed President. Milam 2015, pp. 27–28; see also the account by Thomas Pickering, then US Ambassador to Nigeria (1981–1983), on how the US Embassy dealt with the coups and coup makers in Pickering 2015, p. 153.
- 5.
For a directive from President Kennedy to the CIA allowing the latter to give discreet positive signal of support to any potential conspiratorial group against growing leftist current in Brazil, see Weiner (2008, pp. 189, 311).
- 6.
Similarly, Secretary of State John Kerry’s predecessor Hillary Clinton shunned naming army’s overthrow of leftist government in Honduras in 2009 ‘coup d’état (Ross 2009).
- 7.
When Nixon administration later extended assistance to Yahya Khan despite Pakistani atrocities in then East Pakistan, at the expense of violating the US sanctions previously imposed, the reason was partly because both Secretary of State Henry Kissinger and President Nixon enjoyed Yahya Khan’s friendship as opposed to their dislike of Indians. In return for the vital assistance of the US administration despite protestations of the State Department, General Yahya Khan was grateful and promised to never do anything to embarrass the United States (Bass 2013, pp. xii–xix, 13).
- 8.
For the US reaction to the coup in Honduras in 1963 see Rowell 2016, p. 36; for the US reaction to overthrow by Peruvian army of US-favored Fernando Belaunde Terry, see Flanigan 2000, pp. 5–6; When the CIA reported in late April 1963 that a pro-Nasser coup was in the offing in Jordan, US President Kennedy ordered the 6th Fleet to position in the eastern Mediterranean to be ready for action any time, see Little 1995, p. 530.
- 9.
The Afghan Ambassador to Washington, Karim Khalili (1978–1980), said in a meeting with U.S. Ambassador to Kabul on December 1977 that the US invitation to President Daoud was very important for Afghanistan and “Afghanistan receives economic assistance from the USA which is welcome but US moral and political support is of paramount importance to the people of Afghanistan, to president Daoud himself and to the Republican government.” See “Afghan Ambassador Karim’s Meeting”, 1977.
- 10.
Retired Major General Ahmet Bertan Nogaylaroğlu describes the relationship between the US and Turkish, Pakistani and Egyptian militaries as that of ‘old friends’ [kadim dostlar] and asks why the USA threw aside the Turkish Armed Forces, which it had long seen as the safety valve for the western world. Nogaylaroğlu (2015, p. 272); On the General Headquarters of Pakistani Military being “a port of call for the decision makers and even some foreign dignitaries visiting the country”, see Arif in Malik (Ed.) 2001, p. 101; From the US perspective, the military held key importance in the system not only in Turkey but also in Iran, see Haig (1992, pp. 537–538).
- 11.
More details about a group of Turkish officers who went to Afghanistan to train Afghan officers in starting from early February can be found in Yamak’s memoirs (pp. 157–164).
- 12.
The United States is not alone in thinking this way; Retired Turkish commanders empathize very easily with the objectives of these programs because Turkey too executes similar program at the Turkish Armed Forces College (Türk Silahlı Kuvvetler Akademisi) for the same purposes. When Turkish generals met a foreign officer occupying higher positions and showing extra interest and attention to the Turkish guests during foreign visits, they tended to describe the situation as ‘we won him over’ (Yılmaz Tezkan, personal communication, August 6, 2015). “Officers who take education here in Turkey come to important posts when they go back to their home countries. For instance, the current Chief of Army Staff in Albania took education here. Hosni Mubarak did the same at some point as well; Qaddafi and Musharraf too” (Ahmet Bertan Nogaylaroğlu, personal communication).
- 13.
Even though both Iran and Turkey were members of CENTO, theirs was a “working arrangement” and they distrusted each other. “The Shah said [in 1967 and before] the trouble with the Turks was that they would like to regard themselves as Europeans and not Orientals” (Baxter 2013, pp. 21, 70).
- 14.
For statements by various high ranking civilian and military officials along the same lines, see Türk Atlantik (pp. 6–20, 51–63, 71–82).
- 15.
High-ranking Turkish generals were at great pains to show to their NATO colleagues and western counterparts that Turkey was too Western, its women wore modern clothes and its peoples listened to and played modern music. LSE [NATO Land Southeast Command in İzmir] Commander Akbaş recounted a proud story, where İzmir Chamber Orchestra (İzmir Oda Orkestrası) gave a concert at the NATO Allied Land Forces Southeastern Europe based in İzmir. Foreign guests were pleasantly surprised because ‘they had expected an oriental music with players and singers wearing fez (fes) (Akbaş, p. 126).; As an interviewee told the author, “you can use the concept of socialization for military education and training programs the US delivers. But there is no point in dancing around these concepts so much; the whole thing comes down westernization, adoption and transfer of western values” (personal communication, August 24, 2015).
- 16.
Pakistan withdrew from SEATO in 1972 but remained in CENTO until its dissolution with the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979.
- 17.
Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff General John Shalikashvili put forward the concept of the Partnership for Peace in late 1993. According to the proposal, nations of Central and Eastern Europe would be able to sign separate partnerships with NATO and thus participate in NATO training exercises and have the chance to consult with NATO on military strategy and tactics. However, they would only have the chance to consult NATO if they come under attack by any power and not enjoy the collective defense under NATO. This process was envisaged to ease their gradual integration to NATO over the coming years. See Christopher (2001, p. 276).
- 18.
Military Assistance Programs the United States carried out primarily targeted military personnel. As Ronald. I. Spiers said in 1970, “a distinction is rarely made between civilian and military requirements, since local needs are all embracing.” See Wolpin (1972, p. 15, footnote a). Therefore, ‘Expanded IMET’ (E-IMET) program started only in 1991 partly in response to criticisms that US training given to officers of other nations exacerbates civil-military relations in these nations. Training programs would now give more focus to training in human rights, civilian supremacy and democracy.
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Aslan, Ö. (2018). External Support and Military Coups D’état During the Cold War. In: The United States and Military Coups in Turkey and Pakistan. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-66011-0_2
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