Abstract
Nationalisms are inserted in the old and new cleavages that structure European party systems. This chapter presents an overview of the main ideological characteristics of minority and populist nationalist party families. The chapter bonds two different dimensions of Europeanization to examine minority and populist nationalist party families. First, cleavage theory provides the background to analyze the perspectives on European integration held by minority and populist nationalist parties. Building on the ideological contours of both party families, the sources of heterogeneous and opposing views of European integration are presented. Second, the chapter examines the determinants of the Europeanization of nationalist party families and the role of ideological, institutional and strategic factors in their coordination in the European arena. Minority and populist nationalist parties face the dilemma of creating their own political groups or integrating in other political groups and Europarties.
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Notes
- 1.
The cleavage is located on a vertical dimension cutting the main dimension of conflict in a polity. Lipset and Rokkan’s adaptation of the Parsonian scheme represented a two-dimensional space with two axes. The vertical axis represented the cleavage formed by the process of nation formation and it was defined as a cultural cleavage. The horizontal axis is the functional dimension of interests and distributional conflicts (Lipset and Rokkan 1967).
- 2.
The radical right , as defined by Ennser, is more homogeneous than the Conservative and Christian democrat families in the six policy domains analyzed by the author using data from Benoit and Laver 2006 (taxes versus social spending, social policy, EU authority, environment, decentralization and immigration (Ennser 2010; Almeida 2012).
- 3.
The use of the concept of ‘ethnic parties’ (Lane and Ersson 1987) poses other problems. In fact, in many countries, parties advocate the interests of ethnic and/or linguistic minorities (Swedish speakers in Finland, Turks in Bulgaria, Russians in three Baltic states, and Hungarians in Romania and Slovakia) but do not make demands of territorial autonomy since these minorities are not highly concentrated in a particular region (De Winter et al. 2017).
- 4.
The CHES Expert survey includes the Catalan ICV as part of the regionalist party family. Strictly speaking, ICV is a non-state-wide party and has been excluded.
- 5.
Urwin forcefully argued that there was no common demands, policies or views and that hardly any party could exhibit a Weltaschaung (Urwin 1983: 227). However, Massetti and Schakel’s analysis shows a systematic link between the center-periphery and left-right dimensions, in that the relative status of the region shapes the orientation and ‘coloring’ of nationalisms toward the right (bourgeois regionalism) and the left (internal colonialism ) 2015: 869.
- 6.
- 7.
The concept of populism suffers from concept stretching and has appeared both as a substantive and as an adjective attached to the analysis of nationalism . As an ideology, it conveys a set of ideas about defining a political community and it is also labeled as a ‘thin’ ideology (Stanley 2008). With regard to the concept of populism , Hawkins (2010) stresses its character as worldview and political discourse based on the ideational elements of populism .
- 8.
Parties included in his previous work as extreme right parties, VB, are now included within the populist radical right party family .
- 9.
Mudde argues, for example, that the results of the 2014 European elections show that the populist right parties increased their representation in the EP, gaining a record 52 MEPs, up by 15 seats since the 2009 election. However, the record would have been much larger counting the UKIP (24) and Finns (2) as members. Overall, Mudde attributes the success of the 2014 European elections only to one case, the FN, noting rightly that some parties of the populist radical right lost representation in the elections (Bulgarian Ataka , Romanian PRM , Greek LAOS ) (Mudde 2014).
- 10.
Caramani lists 25 different European party families (2015: 52). Then he proceeds to aggregate party families in broader categories. He includes as shortcut for minority nationalist parties regionalists and ethnic. His categorization of the far right includes nationalists, anti-Europe and extreme right (2015: 55).
- 11.
Both nationalist party families display within them ideological differences in these dimensions. The populist radical right also displays within it ideological differences in their socioeconomic stand (Kitschelt and McGann 1995; Betz 1993b; Kitschelt and McGann 1995; Almeida 2012 see Kriesi against). Socioeconomic demands represent a more complex issue since populist parties are divided on liberal (such as the Dutch PVV) and statist (such as the French FN ) socioeconomic policies.
- 12.
Liga dei Ticinesi, active in the Canton Ticino y Switzerland, also conforms to this type of party (Albertazzi 2006).
- 13.
For an exception of Vlaams Belang as an autonomist party, see De Winter et al. (2006).
- 14.
The main implication is that Lega Nord is included in the first party family, whereas the party’s evolution over time drifted its classification increasingly toward the populist radical right (although early works by Betz 1994; Kitchelt and McGann 1995, already included LN in the populist party family).
- 15.
This conceptualization clearly departs from the consideration of Europeanization as convergence and electoral integration (Caramani 2015: 15).
- 16.
Ladrech proposed five areas of investigation of the Europeanization of parties and party dynamics: policy/programmatic content, organizational, patterns of party competition, party-government relations and relations beyond the national party system (Ladrech 2002: 396). The fifth dimension, relative to the relations beyond the national party system, examines the extent to which Europeanization may result in new venues for transnational cooperation.
- 17.
Almeida assesses the structuring of common genetic ties on the positioning of political parties toward European integration (Almeida 2012: 44).
- 18.
A party is characterized as Eurosceptic when its EU position is at least one standard deviation below the mean EU stance of all parties in that system (De Vries and Edwards 2009).
- 19.
A case in point is the referendum on the Constitutional Treaty. In the United Kingdom, the SNP was against but PC in favor. In Spain, PNV, CiU and CC supported it, ERC , BNG , CHA and EA were against it. Although all the parties are pro-European to different degrees according to CHES data, they represent a clear-cut divide on the direction of European integration. In the Spanish case, this divide shows two distinctive groups, a right-wing nationalist group and a left-wing nationalist group. Still, their position in the CHES database would lead to treat them as cases of pro-Europeanism.
- 20.
Alongside the Europarties , the budget also funds political foundations to reinforce the role of Europarties (Regulation (EC) No 2004/2003 of the European parliament and the Council of 4 November 2003) on the regulation governing political parties at EU level and the rules regarding their funding .
- 21.
Another type of formulation defines a protest-representation dilemma. As Morris put it, populist nationalist parties face a ‘conundrum’ in the European Parliament: how to interact inside an institution they are hostile to (Morris 2013).
- 22.
Nationalist political parties have overcome some of these differences in the European arena . Two political parties , Lega Nord and the FPÖ, hold opposing views on the status of the South Tyrol. Some of these parties also hold antagonistic positions regarding the form of the ‘nation-state’ and the conception of national sovereignty. This is the case of parties such as the Front National , an advocate of the nation-state, and parties with opposing views, such as secessionist and independentist Vlaams Belang and Lega Nord, who seek to dismantle nation-states and demand independence from those very states.
- 23.
Institutional variables shape how nationalist parties weight the benefits and costs of transnational party coordination in different political groups.
- 24.
Almeida dedicates a chapter to radical right parties under the title ‘Europeanised Eurosceptics’ (Almeida 2012: 131–150).
- 25.
One of the challenges of ideational explanations is that evidence can be biased when actors conceal their true motives (Jacobs 2015: 45).
- 26.
Using the analogy of pre-electoral coordination, a party strategic dilemma can be identified between coordination and Going it Alone (Ferrara and Herron 2005). Party coordination dilemmas facing parties and voters under different electoral systems and in different arenas are examined in the literature (Ferrara and Herron 2005; Lago and Montero 2008).
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Gómez-Reino, M. (2018). The Europeanization of Opposing Nationalist Party Families. In: Nationalisms in the European Arena . Palgrave Studies in European Political Sociology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-65951-0_1
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