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Victims of Crime pp 1–48Cite as

Palgrave Macmillan

Constructing Victimhood in Culture and Law

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Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Victims and Victimology ((PSVV))

Abstract

This chapter critically examines the development of conservative, radical and critical victimologies before moving on to discuss the more recent advent of so-called cultural victimology. The chapter goes on to examine “trauma” as a new metric of damage to understand and describe victimhood whilst also introducing some of the main political drivers thought to lie behind many victim policies in England & Wales and beyond.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    This volume will employ the term “victim policy” as a shorthand for the totality of legal and procedural changes introduced by successive UK governments which are presented as benefitting victims of crime or anti-social behaviour in some way. The term is used as one of convenience only; the true nature and purpose of many of these reforms—and whether “victims” are their true focus—is to be the subject of repeated questioning and critique in the proceeding chapters.

  2. 2.

    Recalling that within the UK both Scotland and Northern Ireland have separate criminal justice systems. This volume will refer to “England & Wales” when discussing reforms specific to that jurisdiction and to the wider “United Kingdom (UK)” when referring to broader policies and approaches adopted by the UK government.

  3. 3.

    Following the UK general election of May 2010 no single political party achieved a majority in the House of Commons. As such, the right-of-centre Conservative Party joined forces with the left-of-centre Liberal Democrats to form the UK’s first coalition government since 1945, under the premiership of Conservative Member of Parliament (MP) David Cameron.

  4. 4.

    See p. 62 of this volume.

  5. 5.

    The British Crime Survey (BCS) in fact never covered Scotland and for this and other reasons was renamed the Crime Survey for England & Wales (CSEW) in 2011.

  6. 6.

    Act Respecting Assistance for Victims of Crime 1988 (s.1).

  7. 7.

    A/RES/40/34. Referred to in this volume as “the 1985 UN Declaration”.

  8. 8.

    Referred to in this volume as “the 2012 EU Victims Directive”.

  9. 9.

    2001/220/JHA.

  10. 10.

    Meaning “the spouse, the person who is living with the victim in a committed intimate relationship, in a joint household and on a stable and continuous basis, the relatives in direct line, the siblings and the dependents of the victim” (Article 2).

  11. 11.

    See Chap. 2 of this volume. The Code of Practice will be occasionally referred to as the “Victims’ Code” in this volume, which is the relevant chapter heading of the legislation. The present published version of the Code is titled “Code of Practice for Victims of Crime” (Ministry of Justice 2015) notwithstanding that the legislation refers only to the “Code of Practice for Victims” (s.32).

  12. 12.

    See in particular Chap. 6 of this volume.

  13. 13.

    The role of “narrative” and “story” in these issues will be discussed in greater detail below and in Chaps. 4 and 6.

  14. 14.

    78 were under 30 years old.

  15. 15.

    The report was eventually published in July 2016 following protracted delays, see Green and Samuel (2016).

  16. 16.

    We will return to such ideas in a discussion of “victim capital” in Chap. 6.

  17. 17.

    This observation will be further deconstructed in Chap. 6.

  18. 18.

    I am grateful to Lauren Bradford for consenting to my use of her story for the purposes of this chapter and for a useful discussion on the use of terminologies such as “victim” and “survivor” in these cases. Bradford here noted possible conceptualisations of being a “survivor of the media” and also the possible alternative term “homicide bereaved”.

  19. 19.

    See R v Ched Evans (Chedwyn Evans) [2012] EWCA Crim 2559.

  20. 20.

    [2007] EWCA Crim 804.

  21. 21.

    See p. 133 of this volume.

  22. 22.

    For further discussion on this issue see pp. 172–176 of this volume.

  23. 23.

    That is, the European Convention on Human Rights.

  24. 24.

    Armani Da Silva v United Kingdom. Application no. 5878/08. See para.286 of judgment in particular.

  25. 25.

    Although it should be acknowledged here that the police in the UK are technically independent from the state.

  26. 26.

    [1992] AC 310 House of Lords.

  27. 27.

    The development and impact of the Directive in England & Wales will be assessed in more detail in Chap. 2.

  28. 28.

    Although here it should be noted that Briennen and Hoegen (2000) in a wide-ranging analysis of 22 European criminal justice systems concluded that inquisitorial justice models were not fundamentally any better for victims than adversarial justice.

  29. 29.

    See Chap. 5.

  30. 30.

    Albeit, typically, only after such victimising has been ongoing for some time.

  31. 31.

    Although in utilising this term here and elsewhere in this volume I am mindful of the words of Bradford (2016)—writing as a survivor of homicide herself—in relation to her correspondence with the media company responsible for dramatising the homicide: “By calling it a story, they trivialize the reality of these events and dehumanize the impact that it has on those involved” (unpaginated).

  32. 32.

    R v Rolf Harris. Sentencing Remarks of Mr. Justice Sweeney, 4th July 2014, p.4. Available at: https://www.judiciary.gov.uk/wp-content/uploads/2014/07/sentencing-remarks-mr-j-sweeney-r-v-harris1.pdf (accessed 25.05.17).

  33. 33.

    The cultural impact of the Harris case will be discussed in some detail in Chap. 6.

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  1. Lincoln Law School, University of Lincoln, Lincoln, UK

    Matthew Hall

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Hall, M. (2017). Constructing Victimhood in Culture and Law. In: Victims of Crime. Palgrave Studies in Victims and Victimology. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64589-6_1

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  • DOI: https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-64589-6_1

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