Abstract
The issue of the US Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, which symbolizes a broader problem of the US military bases in Okinawa, has been a source of potential conflict in Japanese foreign and domestic politics over a long period of time. The chapter analyzes the decision-making process on the Futenma Replacement Facility (FRF), primarily under Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio, focusing on the impact brought up by the administrative reforms of 2001. In order to put it in the comparative perspective, the decision-making process on Futenma is also briefly discussed under the cabinets of Murayama and Hashimoto, that is prior to the introduction of the reforms, as well as under Prime Minister Koizumi, who took office soon after their implementation. The issue of the US military bases in Okinawa has evolved over the years, being subjected to several factors, among which the international and regional security environment has played a major role. Nevertheless, during the period under investigation, it was precisely the domestic politics (intervening factors) that gave some stimuli to policy initiation and shaped policy outcome. The international pressure (gaiatsu), particularly from the United States, piled more pressure on the prime minister, limited his choices, and ultimately contributed to policy failure. The three cases attest to the importance of institutional tools available to the prime minister for effective policy making, but also point out to the significance of agency, particularly to the prime minister’s ability and skills to use those tools.
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Notes
- 1.
SOFA is the main document regulating the conditions of US forces stationing in Japan.
- 2.
Institutions established in 1996 by Hashimoto included: (a) Countermeasures Headquarter for All Futenma Air Station Return (Futenma Hikōjō Zenmen Henkan Tō Mondai Taisaku Honbu) in JDA on May 1, (b) Task Force for Resolution of Issues Related to Futenma Air Base Return (Futenma Hikōjō Tō no Henkan ni Kakawaru Shomondai no Kaiketsu no Tame no Sagyō Iinkai), known as the Task Force for the deliberations on Futenma between the government and the prefecture on May 8, (c) Special Investigative Committee on Comprehensive Development Countermeasures for Okinawa Prefecture (Okinawa Ken Sōgō Shinkō Taisaku ni Kan Suru Tokubetsu Chōsa Kai) in the LDP chaired by Katō Kōichi on June 18, (d) Discussion Group on Okinawa Municipalities with US Military Bases (Okinawa Beigun Kichi Shozai ni Kan Suru Kondankai) under the CCS (Kajiyama Seiroku) on August 19, (e) Okinawa Policy Council (Okinawa Seisaku Kyōgikai) on September 17.
- 3.
Ōta’s late decision is subjected to various interpretations, but it seems that the governor played a political game, trying to gain maximum benefits and funding for the implementation of economic plans, which were to make the prefecture, the poorest among the 47 administrative units in Japan, financially independent from the central government and autonomous (Bochorodycz 2010: 93–97, 155–158, 159–182).
- 4.
In December 1997, the majority of citizens voted against the construction of a new base in Henoko.
- 5.
Loc. (abbreviation of “location”) refers to a location in the Kindle electronic edition.
- 6.
Moriya was nicknamed “Tennō” or Emperor for his influence among politicians (Satō 2007: 3).
- 7.
The negotiations, between the JDA and Okinawa and between the JDA and US counterparts, conducted between 2004 and 2006, focused, first, on specifics of the new construction (place and shape of runways: on the land, on the sea, shaped L, X, or V), and, second, on the distribution of costs related to the transfer of 8000 marines to Guam (Moriya 2010).
- 8.
The negotiations did not include the issue of SOFA. It was only at the final stage of talks between Tokyo and Okinawa that the Okinawan side insisted on the inclusion of the clause in the agreement, which was phrased in general terms as that “the government will investigate ways to improve implementation of SOFA” (Moriya 2010: 208–213).
- 9.
The runways on the shallows of Henoko Bay, as well as X- and V-shape constructions would affect a wider area.
- 10.
The first being Nago City Mayor Higa Tetsuya in 1998 and the second Governor Nakaima in 2014.
- 11.
The National Strategy Unit together with the Government Revitalization Unit were to function as new policy making institutions instead of the abolished administrative vice ministers’ council.
- 12.
Names of the positions quoted as in the original text (WikiLeaks 2009a).
- 13.
On May 28, 2010, during the US–Japan 2+2 meeting, both governments jointly declared decision of implementing the Futenma transfer to Henoko.
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Zakowski, K., Bochorodycz, B., Socha, M. (2018). The Issue of Futenma Under the Koizumi and Hatoyama Cabinets. In: Japan’s Foreign Policy Making. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-63094-6_8
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