Abstract
This Introduction seeks to demonstrate how the various contributions to the volume relate to one another. It seeks, also, to locate them in the context of Francisco de Vitoria’s attempt to create a new supra-national juridical order. This, although it was clearly intended to offer some degree of legitimacy for the Spanish occupation of the Americas, was also conceived as a “law of nations” that, while grounded ultimately upon natural law, would be, in essence, a positive law derived from the presumed consensus of a hypothetical international community.
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Notes
- 1.
Schmitt 2003, 39, 69.
- 2.
See Pagden 2015.
- 3.
Grotius 2005, I, 163.
- 4.
Article 39 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice.
- 5.
Boswell 1934, I, 45.
- 6.
Considerations on Representative Government, [1861] in Mill 1984, xix.
- 7.
See, e.g., Anghie 2005.
- 8.
“Letter to Miguel de Arcos,” 8 November 1534, in Vitoria 1991, 331.
- 9.
Schmitt 2003, 92.
- 10.
“On the American Indians” Vitoria 1991, 233.
- 11.
Ibid., 233–4.
- 12.
Printed in Getino 1930, 150–1.
- 13.
Luhman 2004, 440.
- 14.
Digest I. 5. IV.
- 15.
De Officis, III 69.
- 16.
Vitoria 1991, 281.
- 17.
Soto 1556, 197.
- 18.
- 19.
Ibid.
- 20.
Schmitt 2003, 107.
- 21.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 264.
- 22.
For a more extensive account see Pagden 2015.
- 23.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 278. As he defines it, this seems to have been Vitoria’s own creation. St. Augustine had suggested that denial of a right of passage might be sufficient injuria for a just war. But this has none of the structure of Vitoria’s argument (Quaestiones in Heptateuchum, IV. 44; Decretum C.23. 2.3).
- 24.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 280.
- 25.
Ibid., p. 278, citing Justinian Institutes I.2.1, “what natural reason has established among all nations is called the law of nations.” See note above.
- 26.
Ibid., 279.
- 27.
Ibid., 278.
- 28.
Ibid., 291-2.
- 29.
Vattel 2008, 275.
- 30.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 278.
- 31.
“nisi vocetur Alexander peregrinus,” De Dominio indorum, in Pereña 1956, 142.
- 32.
Pufendorf 1934, II, 364–6.
- 33.
Ibid.
- 34.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 284.
- 35.
Antony Anghie, for instance claims, that “Vitoria bases his conclusion that the Indians are not sovereign on the simple assertion that they are pagan” Anghie 2005, 29. Cf. Sharon Korman who infers from Vitoria’s claim that non-Christian rulers were bound to admit Christian missionaries under the ius peregrinandi implied that non-Christian states did not possess the same legal standing as Christian ones. Korman 1996, 53.
- 36.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 284.
- 37.
Ibid. 285.
- 38.
Evans 2008, 53.
- 39.
Ibid. 287–8.
- 40.
“On the Law of War” Vitoria 1991, 305.
- 41.
“On Civil Power,” Vitoria 1991, 40 and see Miaja de la Muela 1965. Vitoria like most scholastics, accepted the traditional distinction between potestas and auctoritas (on which Hobbes heaped such scorn). On this issue see, Wagner 2011 who describes potestas as a “factual power reflexively embedded in a legal order.”
- 42.
“On the Law of War,” Vitoria 1991, 305.
- 43.
Ibid., 299.
- 44.
“On Dietary Laws,” Vitoria 1991, 209.
- 45.
Ibid., 215.
- 46.
Ibid., 1.5 218.
- 47.
Suárez 1954, 149–152.
- 48.
Soto 1556, 195.
- 49.
Suárez 1965, 94.
- 50.
“On the American Indians,” Vitoria 1991, 287–8.
- 51.
“On the Law of War,” Vitoria 1991, 324.
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Pagden, A. (2017). Introduction: Francisco de Vitoria and the Origins of the Modern Global Order. In: Beneyto, J., Corti Varela, J. (eds) At the Origins of Modernity. Studies in the History of Law and Justice, vol 10. Springer, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62998-8_1
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