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Latin America’s First Export Era: Reassessing Its Economic Contribution

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The First Export Era Revisited

Part of the book series: Palgrave Studies in Economic History ((PEHS))

Abstract

This initial chapter offers the general framework for the collective research project whose results are presented in this volume. It summarizes central proposals from conventional and current interpretations of Latin America during the first export era that have moved us to undertake this endeavor. Then, it describes the set of parameters that contributors employ in order to assess the economic contribution of exports in the seven study cases that conform this volume. They include descriptive indicators (nominal and real value series, terms of trade) and a set of analytical parameters on exports, like their direct contribution to economic growth, their purchasing power and return value, positive externalities, linkages with industrial and other activities, and energy transition.

I would like to thank El Colegio de México and particularly Dr. Erika Pani, dean of the History Department, for their continuous support to all my research endeavors. I also thank the participants in this volume for their enthusiastic collaboration and their commitment to this collective project. Many colleagues commented previous versions of the overall framework and of particular chapters, in events that include the III Jornadas of the Mexican Economic History Association (Mexico City, 2015), the XVII World Economic History Conference (Kyoto, 2015), and the V Congreso Latinoamericano de Historia Económica (CLADHE V) (Sao Paulo, 2016). My sincere appreciation to all of them. I would also like to acknowledge the research assistance of Mario Alberto Naranjo, who has accompanied and facilitated my labor throughout this project. Finally, I wish to thank the collaboration of Francisco Blancarte in the translation or revision of the English versions of some of the chapters in this volume. The usual disclaimer applies.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    More about the characteristics and timing of this phenomenon in O’Rourke and Williamson (1999).

  2. 2.

    Just to mention some of the more representative titles published in the last decades, see Bulmer-Thomas (2014), Bértola and Ocampo (2012), Moreno Brid and Pérez Caldentey (2009), Bulmer-Thomas et al. (2006), Franco (1999), among others.

  3. 3.

    Many publications deal with Latin America on a country-by-country basis. However, their aim is not necessarily to compare between cases or to mount them up in order to arrive to a more embracing appraisal. For this reason, they consist of chapters that do not always share common analytical parameters or even deal with the same issues. For some examples, see Cárdenas, Ocampo, and Thorp (2000), Coatsworth and Taylor (1998).

  4. 4.

    Of course, this is not the first time that somebody proposes an inductive approach to assess the differential effects of patterns of development upon a group of countries. However, such an undertaking is usually suggested in current analysis and with the aim of finding the appropriate development policies, rather than in studies with a historical perspective. See, for instance, Fishlow (1987, p. 317).

  5. 5.

    This is important because, as Packenham has put it, some of these premises and hypotheses “fail to specify or imply types of data that would disconfirm them”, incurring in “nonfalsificationism” (Packenham, 1992, p. 41).

  6. 6.

    In the words of Albert Fishlow, “An unusual consensus both in the method of analysis and in the development strategy… expanded over the region” (Fishlow, 1987, p. 293).

  7. 7.

    About economic culture and the way it is shaped, see Krugman (1995).

  8. 8.

    For an excellent appraisal of structuralism, see Love (2005). Two recent reviews of dependency theory by some of its best-known representatives are Dos Santos (2002) and Marini (2008).

  9. 9.

    Two more recent examples are Haber (1997, Introduction) and Packenham (1992). See also Seers (1987) and Kalmanovitz (1983).

  10. 10.

    The first edition of this book was published in 1994.

  11. 11.

    We focus on these so-called paradigms because they provide the more articulated interpretations about Latin American development during the export era. When it seems pertinent, we refer to other hypotheses and try to assess their validity for the cases and period under study. Thus in some chapters we address questions such as Dutch disease, the relation between terms of trade and deindustrialization, “induced” energy transition, among others. However, we do not deal here with broader paradigms, such as Marxism, modernization theory, or neo-institutionalism, since they do not specifically intend to explain Latin American development. For a review of some of these approaches, see So (1990), Peet and Hartwick (1999).

  12. 12.

    It should be noted that some works within this tradition were more careful than others in terms of identifying specificities and shades. So, for instance, Cardoso and Faletto suggest varying results depending on different initial conditions, even though they refer to “two extreme situations” within which all the rest within the vast Latin American specter would hold. Cardoso and Faletto (1971, pp. 48–51).

  13. 13.

    Some scholars adopted a critical stand towards the, at the time, still dominant interpretations on the Latin American export era since the 1980s and suggested analytical paths that are kindred to those that we put forward in this volume. Worthy of mention among them are Ocampo (1984) and Cortés Conde and Hunt (1985).

  14. 14.

    See, for example, the argument according to which if Mexico had adopted “more nationalistic economic measures” in the construction of railroads (such as the investment of resources and the fabrication of inputs), by 1910 its GDP would have been much lower, but “in the historical long run, however, the short run costs of slower initial growth might have paid high dividends” (Coatsworth, 1981, p. 189). The problem is, however, whether it is realistic to think that measures that were more nationalistic would have allowed Mexico to build, with its own resources and technology, a national railroad system at that time.

  15. 15.

    Among them is the so-called Dutch disease, an undesirable effect of export success with negative effects upon growth that have been identified in some nations during some phases of the export era. See Meisel Roca (2010).

  16. 16.

    In this sense, we follow up on the work of scholars that have recently tried to examine how some of the “key ideas of the dependency theorists might fit into the modern literature on comparative development” (Conning & Robinson, 2009, p. 360).

  17. 17.

    Prebisch’s work was originally published in English in 1950. Hans Singer confirmed this diagnostic almost simultaneously. See Singer (1950).

  18. 18.

    This expression has been used for Colombia in the 1920s, where the sudden success of coffee exports would have induced an appreciation of RER and with it a loss of competitiveness for the rest of exports, particularly for banana exports (Meisel Roca, 2010). It is also often applied to the current case of oil-exporting countries (Ismail, 2010).

  19. 19.

    According to Bulmer-Thomas, it was Clark Reynolds who pioneered the use of this concept, in Reynolds (1965).

  20. 20.

    For another work sharing this idea see Cárdenas (1987, pp. 25–28).

  21. 21.

    In fact, some authors assess that not only luxury items were purchased abroad but even those consumed by workers in enclave economies, which were “very often brought directly from the metropolis” (Bambirra, 1978, p. 76).

  22. 22.

    See Coatsworth (1979 and 1981), Zanetti and García (1987), Herranz-Locan (2011), Guajardo (2007), Pérez (2007), among many others. Recently a collective project has taken as one of its aims revisiting this view. See Kuntz-Ficker (2015).

  23. 23.

    As for national case studies, some recognize important industrial development before import substitution industrialization policies, but grant little significance to industrial linkages stemming from the export sector (Cárdenas, 2015; Hora, 2010).

  24. 24.

    The resulting papers will be included as part of a special issue of the Revista de Historia Económica—Journal of Iberian and Latin American Economic History, to appear in 2018. In some cases, a reconstruction of export statistics was not necessary, as previous works had provided this information. This is the case of Ocampo (1984), for Colombia, Kuntz-Ficker (2007, 2010) for Mexico, and Rayes (2013, 2015) for Argentina.

  25. 25.

    The only exception to this rule is Bolivia. As export-led growth continued until the post-World War II period, there was no need for an epilogue that was separate from the balance.

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Kuntz-Ficker, S. (2017). Latin America’s First Export Era: Reassessing Its Economic Contribution. In: Kuntz-Ficker, S. (eds) The First Export Era Revisited. Palgrave Studies in Economic History. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-62340-5_1

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