Abstract
With each new period of international insertion, the Brazilian state has sought capacity to promote dynamic sectors, evident in major, coincident changes to two institutions: federalism and tax. Coincident reforms mobilize new resources and achieve accommodations among elites leading different jurisdictions and levels of government. To make sense of these accommodations, this chapter explores the social relations of fiscal and federal affairs—fiscal federal sociology. In contrast to coincident reforms to advance state capacity, divergent reforms occur when fiscal agreements and/or accommodations among regional elites breakdown. The historical evolution of coincident and divergent reforms produces the current paradox of a Brazilian state that shows great capacity in some areas and some periods, but has experienced long periods of stagnation and regression.
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Notes
- 1.
http://www.ibge.gov.br/seculoxx/estatisticas_economicas.shtm. Checked 3/19/07.
- 2.
As Furtado notes, “Unconsciously, Brazil undertook an anticyclical policy of larger relative proportions than had been practiced in industrial countries until that time” (Furtado, 1972: 192).
- 3.
The only sources of revenue which were moved from the subnational to the national level were the Unified Tax on Combustibles and Lubricants (IUCL, by the abbreviation in Portuguese) and the tax on rural properties. In relative terms, the states lost ground, but absolute revenues increased with GDP growth (Blanco Cossio, 2002).
- 4.
Municipalities received 10% of income tax, distributed equally, and they were required to spend half on rural development (Lopreato, 2002: 32).
- 5.
Furthermore, the states were required to share 30% of revenues with municipalities, provoking an increase from 2000 municipalities in 1946 to 4000 in 1960 (Blanco Cossio, 2002: 31).
- 6.
“On one hand, the tax format assured freedom to member units to manipulate tax and fiscal policy to defend their interests, and on the other, to create federal mechanisms to support peripheral oligarchies, such that they could reproduce their form of domination at the local level” (Lopreato, 2002: 34).
- 7.
Collier refers to “a type of authoritarianism characterized by a self-avowedly technocratic, bureaucratic, non-personalistic approach to policy making and problem solving” in which authors vary in the number of additional regime, coalition, and policy characteristics (1979: 364–371, 399–400).
- 8.
Institutional Act Number Five of 1968 cut federal transfers in half, and made them conditional on approval of local investment plans consistent with central government priorities. Furthermore, 1967 tax reform greatly diminished local revenues, and gave the central government power to grant exemptions. To access federal discretionary grants, states and municipalities had to provide their own matching funds, as well as cover current expenses associated with investments (Abrucio, 1998: 62–68).
- 9.
During the 1990s, total proceeds from privatization including transferred debts was $36.6Â billion, led by $8.2Â billion in steel, $6.9Â billion in mining, $5.6Â billion in electricity, and $4.0Â billion in oil and gas (BNDES, 2000).
- 10.
- 11.
- 12.
Contributions now include social security, a social security contribution on business receipts (COFINS), a contribution to unemployment benefits for dismissed workers (FGTS), a health contribution on receipts (CSS), a welfare contribution on receipts (PIS), a public sector social security contribution (CPSS), a contribution on profits toward social security (CSL), a contribution on fuel toward education and health (CIDE), and for a time there was a contribution toward education and health on financial transactions (CPMF).
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Schneider, A. (2018). State Capacity and Development: Federalism and Tax in Brazil. In: Atria, J., Groll, C., Valdés, M. (eds) Rethinking Taxation in Latin America. Latin American Political Economy. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-60119-9_3
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