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The (In)egalitarian Dynamics of Gender Equality and Homotolerance in Contemporary Norway

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Egalitarianism in Scandinavia

Part of the book series: Approaches to Social Inequality and Difference ((ATSIAD))

Abstract

With their complex and historically shifting articulations of equality, sameness, and difference, discourses and practices related to gender and sexuality provide fertile ground for exploring the complex meanings and functions of egalitarianism. This chapter, first, examines the public debate in Norway through policy documents on gender equality, homosexuality, and citizenship. Through the analysis that follows, it shows how gender equality and sexual equality have come to be articulated as constitutive of Norwegian identity and as a societal value. This articulation of gender and sexual equality as part of Norwegian identity and as a constitutive value is produced in relation to the Other, either internal (immigrant, Muslim) or external (foreign, non-Western). The chapter argues that gender and sexual equality have become crucial to the understanding of Norwegian society as a “community of value”. The idea of the good citizen is anchored in ideas about the individual, autonomy, and equality and defined by the outside by the non-citizen and the failed citizen. Gender and sexual equality have become crucial to the production of Norway as a particular kind of national imagined community (Anderson, Imagined communities: Reflections on the origin and spread of nationalism. London: Verso, 1983), patrolling the borders of the national community and its citizenry and entrenching gendered and racialized differences between “us” and “them”.

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Notes

  1. 1.

    One of the first such gender equality ranking lists was the UNDP gender-related development index, where the Scandinavian countries already figured at the top of the first report in 1995. Developments in making gender equality a part of national identity similar to the ones described in this chapter have occurred in Sweden in particular, and in Denmark.

  2. 2.

    Eriksen ’s Typisk norsk (1993) and Klausen’s (1995, 1996) work on the Olympic Games in Norway were contemporary attempts to grasp these nationalist rearticulations of identity and community.

  3. 3.

    My discussion here is based on Gressgård and Jacobsen (2008, 2014).

  4. 4.

    Christian fundamentalism and traditionalism are not discussed with respect to this dichotomization between a modern, Western, individualistic point of view and a traditional, collectivist view.

  5. 5.

    The Koran includes the narrative of Sodom and Gomorrah, which were destroyed by the wrath of God because the inhabitants engaged in lustful carnal acts between men, a story that is also found in the Christian Bible. The dominant interpretation of this narrative is that it is a condemnation of homosexuality, although some have challenged this by arguing that it could be interpreted as condemning lust (see, e.g., Kugle 2010). In addition, there are sayings (hadith) from the Prophet Muhammad on how to deal with homosexual violators, of which there is some disagreement regarding their reliability. Punishment for homosexuality has historically been related to public sexual penetrative acts witnessed by four adults.

  6. 6.

    An umbrella organization that by 2016 had gathered 42 member organizations spread across the country.

  7. 7.

    “The gay Muslim” does figure in the public debate in Norway, but primarily as a potential victim of Muslim intolerance. Some voices try to escape this discursive framework by challenging both racialization and anti-Muslim sentiment and homophobia.

  8. 8.

    As the Introduction, Chap. 1, in this book notes, the understanding of the citizenry as being comprised of women as well as men came as a result of the political struggle for women’s rights, including to suffrage.

  9. 9.

    “That sport [skiing] is crucial. It was important to Norwegians to see King Olav learn how to ski. That’s when he became Norwegian” (Lode and Glomnes 2009, my translation). See Romme Larsen, Chap. 11, in this book for a discussion of bicycling as a ”national thing” and its centrality to the production of autonomous individuals and integration of refugees in Danish discourses.

  10. 10.

    “Unfortunately, there are women who are not allowed to participate because their husbands want them to stay at home. Mandatory Norwegian courses could thus be positive” (Lode and Glomnes 2009).

  11. 11.

    What Unni Wikan (1995) refers to as “norsk i navnet heller enn i gavnet” [Norwegian in name rather than in deed].

  12. 12.

    In the sense of being a requirement for receiving the economic support given to refugees and asylum seekers in reception centers.

  13. 13.

    The Guardian recently reported on this teaching program (Kleeman et al. 2016).

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Jacobsen, C.M. (2018). The (In)egalitarian Dynamics of Gender Equality and Homotolerance in Contemporary Norway. In: Bendixsen, S., Bringslid, M., Vike, H. (eds) Egalitarianism in Scandinavia. Approaches to Social Inequality and Difference. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-59791-1_14

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